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Showing posts sorted by relevance for query duyckinck moore best of men. Sort by date Show all posts

Saturday, February 18, 2017

Evert A. Duyckinck on Clement C. Moore: "one of the best of men"

In the posthumously published article for Frank Leslie's Popular Monthly (June 1884) titled "Life in New York City in its Later Colonial Days," Herman Melville's friend Evert Duyckinck remembered Clement C. Moore as "one of the best of men" and extensively quoted Moore's "exquisite rhymes" on St. Nicholas:
Besides, has not Weir painted the scene? and has it not been described by one of the best of men in most exquisite rhymes? --Evert A. Duyckinck

There were several national or religious festivals kept by the Dutch in New Amsterdam: Christmas, New Year's Day, Paas or Easter, Pinxter at Whitsuntide, and Santa Claus or St. Nicholas Day. Some of the peculiar Dutch honors of the last have been transferred to Christmas; particularly the visit of St. Nicholas, who, to the wondering children of Manhattan, on the eve of the sacred day, still, as of yore, a burly, benevolent figure, clad in his ancient furry habiliments, a pipe in his month, a capacious, well-filled hamper of toys on his back, rides in his airy sleigh, swiftly borne by his reindeer-team, over the roofs of the houses, descending, spite of narrow flues and modern contracted chimneys, to fill the stockings suspended, in expectation of his gifts, at the mantel-corner. The faith in the old legend of St. Nicholas, patron of the Manhattoes, would, with other superstitions of the past, doubtless have died out long ago were it not invigorated by these perennial gifts and bounties. There is practically no discrediting a belief which is backed by such unfailing beneficence. We, "children of a larger growth," hoodwink our perceptions and act upon it every day in our intercourse with society and estimate of character, feigning to believe in more doubtful virtues than those of the boy-saint. Besides, has not Weir painted the scene? and has it not been described by one of the best of men in most exquisite rhymes?—
"The moon on the breast of the new-fallen snow
Gave the lustre of midday to objects below,
When, what to my wondering eyes should appear,
But a miniature sleigh and eight tiny reindeer.
With a little old driver, so lively and quick,
I knew in a moment it must be St Nick. 
* * * *
And then, in a twinkling, I heard on the roof
Tho prancing and pawing of each little hoof—
As I drew In my head, and was turning around,
Down the chimney St. Nicholas came with a bound,
He was dressed all in fur, from his head to his foot,
And his clothes were all tarnished with ashes and soot;
A bundle of toys he had flung on his back,
And he looked like a peddler just opening his pack.
His eyes—how they twinkled! his dimples how merry!
His cheeks were like roses, his nose like a cherry!
His droll little mouth was drawn up like a bow,
And the beard of his chin was as white as the snow:
The stump of a pipe he held tight in his teeth,
And the smoke it encircled his head like a wreath,
He had a broad face and a little round belly,
That shook when he laughed, like a bowlfull of jelly." *
* Poems by Clement C. Moore, LL. D: 1844, pp. 125-6

This, is the children's saint of the Manhattoes, fixed in his great lineaments for all time.

 -- from Life in New York City in its Later Colonial Days by Evert A. Duyckinck; also incorporated in "The Origin of the New York Churches," Frank Leslie's Sunday Magazine (March 1886).
In their 1855 Cyclopædia of American Literature, co-editors Evert A. Duyckinck and his brother George L. Duyckinck had accorded Moore a similarly generous treatment, likewise informed by some personal knowledge of the man being described:
Professor Moore has lightened his learned labors in the seminary by the composition of numerous poems from time to time, chiefly expressions of home thoughts and affections, with a turn for humor as well as sentiment, the reflections of a genial, amiable nature. They were collected by the author in a volume in 1844, which be dedicated to his children. Though occasional compositions they are polished in style....
--Cyclopædia of American Literature
Even more expansively, the updated National Cyclopedia of American Biography praises the same admirable traits of character in Clement C. Moore:
He was a man of rare beauty and simplicity of character, kindly disposed and generous to a fault. Upon his death, the faculty of the seminary he had so faithfully served passed resolutions declaring, "We recognize in him one whom God has blessed with selected gifts; warmhearted in friendship, genial in society, kindly and considerate to all; possessed of fine literary tastes, poetic instincts and expressiveness, and of cheerful humor withal; at the same time well accomplished in severer studies and resolute for more laborious undertakings, as his learned works in Hebrew grammar and lexicography distinctly testify."
From the New York Sun, May 16, 1886:
... Lady Lilford, formerly Miss Theresa Moore, the daughter of the late Clement C. Moore, who will be remembered by all old New Yorkers as one of the most estimable, genial, and popular men of his day. He wrote the Christmas poem familiar in every nursery and school room, beginning, "'Twas the night before Christmas," and was well known in both the literary and the social world.


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Friday, December 22, 2023

Evert Duyckinck on Christmastime festivities in Manhattan


Excerpted below from Life in New York City in its Later Colonial Days by Evert A. Duyckinck, as posthumously published in Frank Leslie's Popular Monthly Volume 17, June 1884 page 691. This installment was part of 

"a series of articles which present in a style full of attraction and charm the early annals of the City of New York. They were the literary work of one who was acknowledged for many years the finest literary scholar and critic of the city, and a work, too, for which he devoted the best gifts of his intellect, for he claimed descent from one of the earliest settlers of the city."

The series began in the January 1884 issue and was there represented as Duyckinck's "last work and one of which he felt a just pride." The Christmas matter would be reprinted two years later in Frank Leslie's Sunday Magazine for March 1886, on pages 203-6 of the article titled "The Origin of the New York Churches."

By Manhattoes Duyckinck means "New Yorkers":
There were several national or religious festivals kept by the Dutch in New Amsterdam: Christmas, New Year's Day, Paas or Easter, Pinxter at Whitsuntide, and Santa Claus or St. Nicholas Day. Some of the peculiar Dutch honors of the last have been transferred to Christmas ; particularly the visit of St. Nicholas, who, to the wondering children of Manhattan, on the eve of the sacred day, still, as of yore, a burly, benevolent figure, clad in his ancient furry habiliments, a pipe in his mouth, a capacious, well-filled hamper of toys on his back, rides in his airy sleigh, swiftly borne by his reindeer-team, over the roofs of the houses, descending, spite of narrow flues and modern contracted chimneys, to fill the stockings suspended, in expectation of his gifts, at the mantel corner.

The faith in the old legend of St. Nicholas, patron of the Manhattoes, would, with other superstitions of the past, doubtless have died out long ago were it not invigorated by these perennial gifts and bounties. There is practically no discrediting a belief which is backed by such unfailing beneficence. We,"children of a larger growth," hoodwink our perceptions and act upon it every day in our intercourse with society and estimate of character, feigning to believe in more doubtful virtues than those of the boy-saint. Besides, has not Weir painted the scene? and has it not been described by one of the best of men in most exquisite rhymes ?—
"The moon on the breast of the new-fallen snow
Gave the lustre of midday to objects below,
When, what to my wondering eyes should appear,
But a miniature sleigh and eight tiny reindeer,
With a little old driver, so lively and quick,
I knew in a moment it must be St. Nick. 

*        *        *        * 

And then, in a twinkling, I heard on the roof
The prancing and pawing of each little hoof—
As I drew in my head, and was turning around,
Down the chimney St. Nicholas came with a bound,
He was dressed all in fur, from his head to his foot,
And his clothes were all tarnished with ashes and soot;
A bundle of toys he had flung on his back,
And he looked like a peddler just opening his pack.
His eyes—how they twinkled! his dimples how merry!
His cheeks were like roses, his nose like a cherry!
His droll little mouth was drawn up like a bow,
And the beard of his chin was as white as the snow:
The stump of a pipe he held tight in his teeth,
And the smoke it encircled his head like a wreath,
He had a broad face and a little round belly,
That shook when he laughed, like a bowlfull of jelly." *
* Poems by Clement C. Moore, LL.D.: 1844, pp. 125-6.
This is the children's saint of the Manhattoes, fixed in his great lineaments for all time.

Saint Nicholas Day, if lost to the juveniles, is not forgotten by the elders, the representative men of the race of the older dynasty, the members of the venerable St. Nicholas Society of the city, who annually meet on the Saint's day—the 6th of December—to feast on the old dainties, and continue the old festive observances of the fatherland. The Society, as we learn from an oration delivered at one of its anniversaries by that worthy descendant from the old stock, Mr. James W. Beekman, had its public observance of the day in New York immediately preceding the Revolution, when the impending war, as in the season of struggle in Holland, taught men the virtue of joining hands in friendly association and of uniting their sympathies in cheerful enjoyment.

The old Dutch observance of New Year's Day also happily survives in the modern metropolis. It was, as it is now, a day peculiarly dedicated to family congratulations and the renewal of friendships in expressions of sympathy and goodwill, which, following so closely upon the sacred festival of Christmas, may well be inspired with a peculiar significance. On that day, in old New York, the citizens thronged to the Fort to pay their respects to the Governor, with their "compliments of the season"a familiar and convenient phrase in use on these occasions time out of mind.* The clergy, too, were similarly honored, and with something more substantial in various hospitable gifts. The English," says Chaplain Wolley, in his narrative already cited, "observed one anniversary custom, and that without superstition. I mean the strenarum commercium, as Suetonius calls them, a neighborly commerce of presents every New Year's Day. Some would send me a sugar-loaf, some a pair of gloves, some a bottle or two of wine. In a word, the English merchants and factors were very unanimous and obliging." In the olden time, with the compact, neighborly arrangement of the town, hemmed in by its two rivers and clustering round the Fort, when an easy stroll of the pedestrian carried him in a few minutes from one end to the other of its fashionable streets, the friendly calls of the day were easily maintained.
New York, as Washington Irving has said, was then "a handy city," and "any one who did not live over the way was to be found round the corner." The good people of Manhattan were, in fact, almost as near to one another as the occupants of a modern mammoth hotel, and a regard for one another's feelings was essential to home comfort. The city has outgrown many old usages, and, it must be confessed, has in its "magnificent distances" rendered the observance of New Year's Day in the old style rather onerous, but still it is maintained in perhaps the most thoroughly kept holiday of the year. Nor, as a genuine record of these antique observances, should we forget the New Year cake handed down in its primitive shapes from our forefathers. 
* See a notice of the usage in a letter of Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough, January 6th, 1770. Col. Doc. VIII., 200.
The Google-digitized volume 17 of Frank Leslie's Popular Monthly with Duyckinck's "Life in New York City in its Later Colonial Days" is accessible online courtesy of HathiTrust Digital Library
https://hdl.handle.net/2027/inu.32000000492084?urlappend=%3Bseq=710%3Bownerid=13510798895696212-722
Evert A. Duyckinck
via NYPL Digital Collections

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Friday, March 3, 2017

Eheu! professor

If I was back in Manhattan I would hike up to the New-York Historical Society for a look, if they allow it, at the John Pintard Papers, specifically the undated "Handwritten Notes" there. I want to learn more about the context and meaning of this odd quotation by Charles W. Jones from the "private notebook" of John Pintard:

"I told [Moore] not to speak slightly or disrespectfully of what he was totally ignorant. Is he a sample of the professors of the local school —. . . Eheu! professor."  
 
Professor Jones's point is easy to get: Moore could be stuffy. While honoring Clement C. Moore as "a most admirable man," the distinguished medievalist wants us to know that Moore was also pedantic and occasionally annoying in the way that academic types tend to be. Fair enough. Unfortunately, however, Professor Jones did not footnote his quotation beyond the citation of Pintard's "private notebook." And as a clinching illustration of Moore's supposedly irritating manner, the quote sounds better than it really is. First of all, what did Moore say to Pintard that so offended him? Second, I don't like the editorial brackets around Moore's name, and I hate the ellipses between the dash after Pintard's "school" and Pintard's exclamation, "Eheu!" In such a short quotation, brackets and ellipses combined are a bad sign, perhaps more indicative of the quoter's need to press than anything else. What's missing?

I'd like to know where and how Moore's name first appears in the "private notebook," before the bracketed part. Jones does give a bit of the broader context for Pintard's complaint, which is that John Pintard and Clement C. Moore
"were working together with Bishop Hobart and others for the establishment of the General Theological Seminary."
That by itself puts the date of Pintard's diary entry around 1821. Jones to his credit read all of Moore's published Poems, but in 1954 he did not have the benefit of Samuel W. Patterson's biography The Poet of Christmas Eve, or Powel M. Dawley's The Story of the General Theological Seminary. Jones does not mention Moore's hugely important grant of land for the future seminary. Also Jones seems not to perceive or care about the significance of Pintard's term "local school" which considerably narrows the window for dating Pintard's diary comment. Indeed, at this time Pintard was actively working against John Henry Hobart, not with him. Bishop Hobart then supported the seminary as a "local school" controlled by the diocese of New York, whereas Pintard strongly advocated for a truly "general" institution of the Protestant Episcopal Church as a whole. Accepting the authority of Bishop Hobart, Moore served on the small faculty during the brief period of the New York seminary's existence as a "local school." When the General Theological Seminary returned from New Haven and merged with the New York school in 1822, Moore stayed on with a new job title, revised from "Professor of Biblical Learning" to "Professor of Oriental and Greek Literature." Even in Hobart's diocesan school, Moore stuck to his area of expertise. He and his students read Genesis in Hebrew:
With the Professor of Biblical Learning, the students, on the opening of the seminary, entered immediately upon the study of the Hebrew language; and, on the 1st of August, when the session ended, they had read, in that language, the first eighteen chapters of Genesis. In the course of this reading, their attention has been directed to such annotations of Patrick and Lowth, and other commentators, as appeared most interesting and important.  --Report of the professors of the Theological Seminary, dated October 9, 1821 and reprinted in The Christian Journal, and Literary Register on April 1, 1822.
The real firecracker in this 1821 scenario is Pintard. As Herman Melville's friend John W. Francis said,
John Pintard was a man of extensive historical, geographical, and above all, didactic information. I hardly speak within the charge of exaggeration, when I affirm that he knew nearly all Dr. Johnson's writings by heart. You could scarcely approach him without having something of Dr. Johnson's thrust on you. He was versed in theological and polemical divinity—Stillingfleet was his idol; of South he was a great admirer, and in the progress of Church affairs among us, he was ever a devoted disciple. 
--Semi-centennial Celebration
Whatever Pintard might have written negatively and privately about Moore in 1821, he had far worse things to say back then about Hobart. So the clinching "Eheu! professor" quote really is more revealing of Pintard than Moore. Considering Moore's recent generous gift of land in February 1819, and considering their prior involvement as fellow Trustees of the New-York Society Library, Pintard's tone seems ill-matched to Clement C. Moore. Could Pintard have had in mind a different Moore? Or maybe Pintard's displeasure was directed at a different professor in the "local school," perhaps Gulian C. Verplanck, or Benjamin T. Onderdonk. Pawley says flat out that Pintard "did not like" Onderdonk, quoting Pintard's view of Onderdonk as Bishop:
The Bishop of this diocese is perhaps as a Divine, below mediocrity. His excellence consisted in being the satellite of Bp. Hobart, whose bigotry he follows without his talents happily for us. --Letters from John Pintard to His Daughter
It's an interesting case study in the interpretation of documentary evidence. Don Foster in Author Unknown seizes on the negative image of Moore, of course, which he exaggerates by stating that Moore was "fond" of talking in the insulting way that Pintard appears to describe in his "diary" as partially quoted by Charles W. Jones. Trying to paraphrase Jones on the Knickerbocker Santa Claus, Foster imagines that
"The New York philanthropist John Pintard first met Clement Moore in 1821 while working to establish the General Theological Seminary."  --Author Unknown
But Jones did not say (and probably did not know) when they first met. 1821 seems way too late, when Moore was 42 years old and Pintard 62. On January 14, 1805 Clement C. Moore's father Benjamin Moore was named First Vice President of the New-York Historical Society, which Pintard and others had only just founded the previous November. Eight years later, Pintard and Clement C. Moore (and Gulian C. Verplanck) were named together as Trustees of the New York Society Library, "ELECTED IN APRIL, 1812." According to the list of Trustees Past and Present on The New York Society Library website, Pintard became a Trustee of the Library in 1790; Moore in 1811.



On April 25, 1815 John Pintard and Clement C. Moore again were named Trustees of the New-York Society Library, along with John H. Hobart, Gulian C. Verplanck, and Samuel F. Jarvis. All five played major roles also in the establishment of the General Theological Seminary.



On the other hand....Foster's idea that Pintard and Moore "first met" in 1821 is one way of trying to account for the genuine strangeness of Pintard's negative view of Moore, as quoted with brackets and ellipses by Charles W. Jones. After attending the funeral of Moore's wife in 1830, Pintard told his daughter that he and Moore "have been always on the most friendly terms" (Letters from John Pintard to His Daughter Volume 3). Having more context would enable us to understand better what Pintard wrote in 1821, exactly, and what he meant.

Apart from the questionable quotation that Charles W. Jones introduced from Pintard's "private notebook" in 1954, Clement C. Moore's contemporaries regarded him as not only admirable, but likeable. For example, this 1824 overview for the Gospel Messenger and Southern Christian Register (signed "A.") of the new General Theological Seminary praises Moore for his scholarship and "agreeable manners":
Mr. Clement Moore, son of the late Bishop of New-York, fills the professorship of “Oriental and Greek Literature.”

It is well known that this gentleman is an accomplished scholar, and that he has for more than twenty years been a devoted student of the Hebrew. He is the author of a very useful Hebrew Grammar and Lexicon; and it is no small occasion of satisfaction, that his services in this department have been secured to our Seminary. Mr. Moore had previously given a pledge of his interest in this institution, by the generous donation of sixty lots at Greenwich, near the city of New-York, which at some future period must be immensely valuable. It needs scarcely be added, that his character, learning, and agreeable manners cannot fail to attract towards him the highest respect and regard from his pupils.  --Gospel Messenger and Southern Christian Register - January 1, 1824

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Wednesday, February 7, 2018

Key witness letter by Livingston cousin and "genuine antiquarian" TWC Moore

New York, the interior of the Park Theatre, 1822.
 John Searle (1783-1834), Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

In the "Witnesses" section of the main page for the Henry Livingston, Jr. website, Mary S. Van Deusen points out that
"Henry's 1st cousin Judith Livingston, who lived next door to him, was married to John Moore, a relative of Clement Moore's father's family."  --Mary S. Van Deusen
1st cousin is absolutely right since Judith's father James Livingston (1728-1790) and Henry Livingston, Jr.'s father Henry Livingston Sr (1714-1799 ) were brothers. For the relationship between Henry and one of cousin Judith's children in the next generation I need some help. Looking it up on the Cousins Chart, I see "your parent's first cousin is your first cousin, once removed." Once removed means a difference of one generation. In the next generation Van Deusen here only names Lydia, the daughter of Judith Livingston (1753-1813) and John Moore (1746-1828), important because "Lydia's daughter Frances married Rev. Clement Moore Butler, the brother of Harriet Butler." Harriet Butler reportedly gave a copy of "A Visit from St. Nicholas" to newspaper editor Orville Holley who published it for the first time, anonymously, on December 23, 1823 in the Troy Sentinel. In floating this particular family connection, Van Deusen and advocates for Henry Livingston Jr.'s authorship of "Visit" aka The Night Before Christmas want to suggest the plausibility of an imaginary sequence of transmission from Poughkeepsie to Troy by way of New York City and perhaps another, unspecified household somewhere "in the south."

Henry Noble MacCracken in Blithe Dutchess (pages 388-390) introduced Judith Moore, formerly "Judith Livingston," for the same purpose, first emphasizing her kinship with Major Livingston and the proximity of their residences in Poughkeepsie:
Judith Livingston, was a first cousin and next-door neighbor of Major Henry Livingston, Jr. --Blithe Dutchess by Henry Noble MacCracken
In less than three pages MacCracken's narrative goes from mostly conjecture to "some degree of probability," and it all starts with Major Livingston's first cousin and her children (in other words his first cousins, once removed):
"From Locust Grove to Judith Livingston Moore's children is the first step."
MacDonald P. Jackson rightly characterizes MacCracken's scenario as "pure speculation," but only after carefully and almost too closely paraphrasing the whole thing:
"The first step is from Livingston's homestead, Locust Grove, to Judith Livingston Moore's children."  --Who Wrote The Night Before Christmas, page 119
Hypothetically then, according to MacCracken and Van Deusen and Jackson, these children of Judith Livingston Moore might have mediated transmission of the now world-renowned Christmas poem to Troy via Clement C. Moore's home in New York City. They or nobody, it would seem, could testify to the facts of its original authorship and transmission.

Well if that's the case, authorship investigators should be looking hard for witness statements by one of Judith Livingston Moore's children. Too bad none of Judith Livingston Moore's children bothered to leave a letter for the historical record, telling the world who really wrote "A Visit from St. Nicholas." Wait a minute...


https://library.nyu.edu/persistent/lcn/nyu_aleph000690235?institution=NYU&persistent
MacCracken and Jackson after him only seem to know and talk about daughters. Lydia and Maria. Lydia Hubbard Moore Hart (1790-1831); and her sister Maria Seabury Moore Moore (1788-1812). But John Moore and his wife Judith Livingston Moore had more than two children. Van Deusen names eight of them on another page of her great website, quoting genealogist J. Wilson Poucher on "James Livingston, and Some of His Descendants":
They had eight children: Elizabeth Channing Moore, who died in infancy; Eliza Elliot Moore who married Alfred Livingston, Esq.; Townsend Moore who died unmarried; John; Maria Seabury Moore who died in infancy; a second Maria Seabury Moore who married the Rev. David Moore, D.D.; Lydia Hubbard Moore who married the Rev. William Henry Hart; and Thomas William Channing Moore who died unmarried.
--Dutchess County Historical Society Yearbook, Vol. 28 (1943) page 72 via Mary S. Van Deusen
Townsend Moore and Thomas William Channing Moore? Ah, forgotten brothers. How soon the most industrious family historian will drop a brother "who died unmarried." Not to mention a younger brother who emigrates west, although in Illinois, just about "everybody from Calhoun County to Rock Island used to know" ex-New Yorker Francis Childs Moore (1796-1874), Frank C. Moore to his friends. Before lighting out for Hillsboro and Quincy, Francis named his first child with his first wife John Moore III, aka John Livingston Moore III. Townsend Moore died in April 1833 "at the house of his brother-in-law" Rev. Hart in Walden, Orange County. Evidently one brother at least remained close to the family of his sister Lydia after her death in 1831, and presumably before. Then there's Thomas William Channing Moore (1794-1872), born four years after Lydia Hubbard Moore so her younger brother (if 1790 at WikiTree is closer to right than 1796 at Find A Grave for Lydia's date of birth). Call him T. W. C. Moore. Better yet, call him Cuz: first cousin once removed of Henry Livingston, Jr.

T. W. C. traveled often in South America and Europe but like his brother and fellow bachelor Townsend, T. W. C. Moore managed to stay connected with his sisters and their families. Under oath, niece Frances Livingston Hart Butler (Mrs. Clement Moore Butler) mentioned having conversed with him on a highly personal and delicate matter, something she would not fully disclose even to her own father. As Mrs. Butler testified in December 1844, the visit took place "early last spring" (so 1843), just before uncle T.W.C. sailed for Buenos Aires.



Frances told the court that she also made a confidante of her "sister-in-law, Miss Harriet Butler, of Troy." Obviously nobody involved in the sensational trial of Bishop Onderdonk for sexual misconduct cared too deeply about the authorship of "A Visit from St. Nicholas." Nevertheless, as a matter of documented history this one page of sworn testimony by Frances Livingston Hart Butler brings T. W. C. Moore, the brother of her deceased mother Lydia, into a small family circle that included Harriet Butler and few others, only her closest and most trusted friends and family members. Along with her husband Clement and her best friend Catherine, and maybe her father, T. W. C. Moore and Harriet Butler were practically the only people alive that Frances Livingston Butler could speak with about her experience of being molested by the Bishop, Benjamin T. Onderdonk.

Another sister of T. W. C., Maria Seabury Moore, died in 1812, and T. W. C. owned a profile portrait painting of her in tintype that in 1866 he inscribed to a relative.


And here is the back of the tintype, where the inscription by T. W.C. Moore shows his abiding interest in preserving historical artifacts, along with his characteristic and very antiquarian attention to relevant circumstantial details and facts. (Acquired from James Cummins Bookseller in February 2018, this item is now in the collection of Scott Norsworthy.)


Considering the ties he maintained over many years with family of his deceased sisters including his Livingston niece Frances and her husband, this Livingston cousin T. W. C. Moore must have known a good deal about his niece's confidante Harriet Butler, the unmarried sister of her husband. Next to Harriet of Troy herself, few persons could have been better equipped to hear the story of how those marvelous lines about St. Nicholas got copied and re-copied and eventually transmitted to editor Orville Holley for publication in the Troy Sentinel. With Townsend's death in 1833, and Francis's move west in 1834, two children of Judith Livingston and John Moore were left in New York State, T. W. C. and his older sister Eliza Elliot Moore Livingston of Poughkeepsie (1776-1847). Or possibly three children, if John Moore II survived and stayed in New York. At any rate, nobody then was in a better position than T. W. C. Moore, the living son of Major Henry Livingston's first cousin Judith, to know all about it if the Major himself had anything to do with "A Visit from St. Nicholas." If Henry Livingston, Jr. had written The Night Before Christmas as alleged by some Livingston descendants, T. W. C. Moore would have known it, and for the honor of his dear mother Judith Livingston Moore and her native town of Poughkeepsie and her worthy cousin Henry Livingston, Jr. he would happily have told the world. Not even the most persistent advocates for Livingston's authorship of The Night Before Christmas allege any conspiracy of silence. Their assumption has always been that printed attributions to Clement C. Moore astonished Livingston family members who only belatedly learned of the "mistake" made in giving credit to the wealthy New York seminary professor.  Before now, however, it has not been recognized that the person who forwarded the holograph manuscript to the librarian of the New-York Historical Society in 1862 was (in spite of the forwarder's surname) no "nephew" or any blood relation of Clement C. Moore's, but rather a Livingston cousin--blood kin, and perfectly situated to know the history of its authorship and earliest transmission.

So in the spring of 1843 T. W. C. Moore conversed with his niece Frances, whose most intimate friends included her sister-in-law Harriet Butler. Uncle T. W. C. and Frances talked more or less confidentially at the home of Frances and her husband (when they lived in New York City?). Writing from New York City on February 27th of the following year, Clement C. Moore tells editor Charles King of the New York American a surprising thing, that he only recently discovered how his verses about the Christmas Eve visit of St. Nicholas wound up in a Troy newspaper. Avowing that he originally wrote the Christmas poem "not for publication, but to amuse my children," Clement C. Moore revealed not only his "great surprise" upon learning of its publication in the Troy Sentinel, but something else, a little mystery that remained unsolved "until lately." About his "lines, describing a visit from St. Nicholas," Moore states for the record that he wrote them "many years ago" but only "lately" learned the method of their transmission or "how they got there":
... some lines, describing a visit from St. Nicholas, which I wrote many years ago, I think somewhere between 1823 and 1824, not for publication, but to amuse my children. They, however, found their way, to my great surprise, in the Troy Sentinel: nor did I know, until lately, how they got there.--Clement C. Moore, published letter to Charles King
Moore's innocent, frankly admitted uncertainty about the exact date he composed "A Visit from St Nicholas" ("I think somewhere between 1823 [the last number in the printed date appears smudged and hard to decipher on microfilm; possibly it reads "1822" instead] and 1824") shows that he has not yet received the extant letter from Norman Tuttle in which the former proprietor of the Troy Sentinel writes in reply to a query from Moore with additional details of the poem's transmission (to the extent that Tuttle can remember what Orville Holley told him). I don't offer this reading as a complicated hypothesis, but rather as the simplest and most logical inference from the details that Moore gives in this important published letter. If Moore had already received and read Tuttle's reply, he would have known exactly when his poem appeared on December 23, 1823 and would have adjusted the time frame of its composition accordingly, knowing for a fact that he could not possibly have written the lines in 1824, one year after they were first printed.

This point bears repeating: with Tuttle's letter in front of him, Moore would have known exactly when his poem was published in the Troy Sentinel. Hypothetically, the imputed motive of verifying that "the coast was clear" should have made him especially careful to date his composition of the poem before the date of its first publication. But Moore was not so guilty, or careful. He did not need to be so careful and without help, could not be more careful and precise than memory allowed. In the first place, Moore simply and most understandably could not remember the exact year he wrote it (more than 20 years before!). In the second place, he could not give the exact date of its first publication because he had not yet learned it. Evidently Norman Tuttle's response to his inquiry had not yet arrived from Troy. On this point the date of Moore's letter is crucial. Moore's letter to Charles King appeared in the New York American of March 1, 1844 but he wrote it three days before, on February 27, 1844 as the un-smudged heading of his printed letter clearly indicates. Three not two days before, since February in the leap year 1844 had 29 days.

The first Response by MacDonald P. Jackson to my blog-review of his Christmas book acknowledged the significance of Moore's published 1844 letter and generously credited the find as the product of "admirable scholarly diligence." More recently, in print, Jackson has again referenced Moore's published letter in the New York American in the last paragraph of his 2017 essay for the academic journal, Style showing exemplary scholarly generosity by crediting Melvilliana. Citation:

Jackson, MacDonald P. "Style and Authorship in a Classic of Popular Culture: Henry Livingston and “The Night Before Christmas”." Style, vol. 51 no. 4, 2017, p. 482-505 at 491. Project MUSE, https://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sty.2017.0037.

Unfortunately, however, the case for Livingston's authorship demands a sinister reading of Moore's motives that, besides being grossly unfair and even slanderous, here turns on Jackson's error in mistaking the published date of Moore's letter (March 1, 1844) for the date he actually wrote it (February 27, 1844, three days earlier than Jackson supposes). In his online Response and more recent article in Style, Jackson takes an obvious typo ("1827" for 1837) as ground for "suspicion" of Moore's integrity, while failing to recognize the importance of Moore's plain statement that he "gave" the publishers of The New-York Book of Poetry four poems for their 1837 anthology, including "A Visit from St. Nicholas." Since Moore himself contributed all four poems that appeared under his name, The New-York Book of Poetry provides rock-solid bibliographic evidence that Moore had already claimed the Christmas poem with three other pieces in 1837, seven years before the false attribution to Joseph Wood spurred him to write Norman Tuttle and Charles King.

From Troy in upstate New York Norman Tuttle dated his reply to Moore February 26, 1844. And Tuttle wants Professor Moore to know he has wasted no time in responding:
Yours of 23d inst. making inquiry concerning the publication of "A Visit from St. Nicholas" is just received. --Letter from Norman Tuttle to C. C. Moore, February 26, 1844
On Monday, February 26th Tuttle states plainly that he "just received" Moore's inquiry dated February 23, 1844, which was Friday. Literally interpreted, Tuttle's expression "just received" probably means "today" if not "five minutes ago." Tuttle just today, Monday, got Moore's inquiry written from New York City on Friday. Possibly it arrived over the weekend; it's hard to be certain. Obviously though, it takes some time to travel 152 miles from Troy to Chelsea, even today. The known facts are, Tuttle replies to Moore from Troy on Monday the 26th of February; and Moore writes Charles King from Manhattan on Tuesday, the 27th. Another fact that Tuttle communicates right away, and in wonderfully clear, legible script, is the all-significant date of December 23, 1823 when "Visit" "was first published in the Troy Sentinel." The contents of Moore's published letter in the New York American do not reflect knowledge of the particulars in Tuttle's letter of the day before. And the one-day window between Tuttle's letter to Moore and Moore's letter to Charles King makes it all the more likely that Moore had not yet received Tuttle's reply when he wrote the published letter to Charles King--a letter that is most immediately and directly motivated, as Moore clearly states at the outset, by new knowledge of the published claim for Joseph Wood in a very respectable newspaper, the Washington, D. C. National Intelligencer.

Moore could not have written Norman Tuttle in the first place without already knowing something about the publication of his verses on St. Nicholas in the Troy Sentinel. While Moore reveals that he never knew "until lately, how they got there," he does not identify the source of his information. That unnamed source may well have been Livingston cousin T. W. C. Moore, who in fact did know essential details about the earliest transmission of Moore's verses on the visit of St. Nicholas. In his key 1862 witness letter, ironically overlooked or unreasonably discounted by advocates for authorship of the Christmas poem by Major Henry Livingston, Jr., Major Livingston's cousin T. W. C. Moore relates exactly what he knows about how Moore's verses got to Troy.

Turns out, Livingston cousin T. W. C. Moore wrote the earliest and best witness letter of all, fortunately still extant in the collection of the New-York Historical Society. As he states in the 1862 letter, T. W. C. Moore was responding a request from Society librarian George H. Moore (no relation to Clement C. but a friend of Melville's friend Evert A. Duyckinck and eminently worth further attention, another day). On behalf of the Historical Society, T. W. C. Moore got Clement C. Moore, in spite of his "advanced age" and "much impaired eye sight" to write out those famous lines one more time for posterity. T. W. C. Moore forwarded the requested manuscript copy of "A Visit from St Nicholas" along with his letter to George H. Moore.

Dated March 15, 1862, this crucial witness letter from Livingston cousin T. W. C. Moore begins with the good news of Moore's compliance. After declaring victory and complementing "the distinctness and beauty" of Professor Moore's handwriting at age 82, T. W. C. Moore continues with details of the poem's composition and transmission, presented--significantly, I think--in successive but separate paragraphs. First T. W. C. Moore relates what he knows about the date and original circumstances of composition:
These lines were composed for his two daughters, as a Christmas present, about 40 years ago.—They were copied by a relative of Dr. Moores in her Album, from which a copy was made by a friend of hers, from Troy, and, much to the surprise of the Author, were published (for the first time) in a Newspaper of that city.—
Here I wish to highlight the statement by T. W. C. Moore that Moore's lines on St. Nicholas "were copied by a relative of Dr. Moores in her Album, from which a copy was made by a friend of hers, from Troy." As a veteran collector of art and historical artifacts, T. W. C. Moore knows the value of careful and accurate written descriptions. In just the same spirit, T. W. C. Moore donated valuable papers of his father John Moore (his account of the Social Club, for example) to the New-York Historical Society. With gifts of historical artifacts and art, T. W. C. Moore habitually supplied annotations of his own, giving dates and pertinent facts, as shown in the 1873 Catalogue of the Museum and Gallery of Art of the New York Historical Society.



When William I. Street, grandson of Major Andrew Billings of Poughkeepsie, gave T. W. C. Moore souvenir locks of George Washington's hair (and Martha's, too!), T. W. C. meticulously recorded the provenance in a letter from New York City dated March 24, 1857.



One more example will suffice for now to illustrate T. W. C. Moore's characteristic interest in supplying accurate descriptions for valuable works of art.

Interior of the Park Theatre, New York
via The New York Public Library Digital Collections
In 1868, six years after writing the 1862 cover letter that accompanied Clement C. Moore's holograph manuscript of "A Visit from St Nicholas," T. W. C. Moore took the trouble to assemble a helpful "key" for identifying the subjects of a treasured water-color by John Searle titled "Interior of the Park Theatre, New York City, November 1822."
The painting is accompanied by a key added to a photograph from the original published by Mr. Elias Dexter in 1868. This key was prepared by the late Thomas W. C. Moore, a well known and highly esteemed member of this Society, and a liberal contributor to its Collection of Paintings. Mr. Moore had himself obtained the loan of the picture, at that time in the possession of Mrs. William Bayard, for the purpose of its reproduction, and took great pains to identify the persons represented....--The Iconography of Manhattan Island
via The New York Public Library Digital Collections
As Martha Joanna Lamb explains to the same effect, in his enlistment of knowledgeable persons to get the figures in Searle's Park Theater painting identified correctly, T. W. C. Moore displayed
"the instinct of a genuine antiquarian." --History of the City of New York
A reproduction of the painting by Searle appears in the New-York Historical Society Quarterly 54.2 (April 1970), right alongside the "Key" to persons shown. In the Quarterly these reproductions of the Park Theatre painting and Key nicely illustrate the article by Edward Pessen titled "The Wealthiest New Yorkers of the Jacksonian Era: A New List." Thomas W. C. Moore appears in the foreground--age 28 in 1822, identified by the Key he helped produce over forty years later as number 14.

Thomas W. C. Moore (1794-1872)
Detail from Interior of Park Theatre by John Searle
via The New York Public Library Digital Collections
This painting of John Searle's represents a scene on the opening night of November 7, when cold weather had permitted New York to return to its business, homes and amusements; Mathews is on the stage as "Monsieur Morbleau," and Miss Johnston as "Madame Bellgarde." Through an inspiration of Thomas W. C. Moore, forty-five years later (who prepared a key to the painting then owned by Mrs. William Bayard), we know the names of some eighty odd of the representative New Yorkers whom the artist portrayed as witnessing this important appearance. They are all here, Bayards, and Coldens and de Peysters and Livingstons, Crugers, Van Wycks, Clintons, Beekmans, Lenoxes, Brevoorts and the rest; not to mention the prodigious Doctor Mitchell, Doctor Hosack, Doctor Francis, James K. Paulding, Mrs. Daniel Webster and many another of the outstanding figures in the financial and social life of the period. --Henry Wysham Lanier, A Century of Banking in New York, 1822-1922 (New York: George H. Doran Company, 1922) page 62.
Not that T. W. C. always prevailed with popular icons of art and literature. Washington Irving in 1859 was less obliging than Clement C. Moore proved to be in 1862, as Wayne R. Kime details in Pierre M. Irving and Washington Irving (Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1977), page 159. Irving rebuffed aggressive attempts by T. W. C. to obtain Irving's photograph for a promotion to finance the restoration of Mount Vernon.

But Clement C. Moore obliged with his holograph manuscript, and  T. W. C. Moore with the habitual "instinct of a genuine antiquarian" was more than glad to add an appropriate cover letter. Since manuscript and letter are both for the historical record, T. W. C. means exactly what he says. In this part of his March 1862 letter to the Librarian of the New-York Historical Society, T. W. C. Moore calls attention to two stages of copying in manuscript, not counting authorial drafts. In the first stage "a relative of Dr Moores" copied his poem "in her Album." In another stage, "a friend of hers, from Troy" copied the copy. T. W. C. Moore does not name either person. However, the writer's discretion here does not necessarily signify that he is unable to identify one or both individuals, both women. Rather, he chooses not to identify them in this particular document. Later sources name Harriet Butler as one of the copyists--often without specifying clearly whether Harriet was the visiting "relative" or the Troy "friend." Nevertheless, given T. W. C.'s close ties to the family of his niece Frances, including her husband and sister-in-law Harriet, it seems plausible that T. W. C. Moore was the authority behind later identifications of Harriet Butler.

The copying is what T. W. C. Moore attests to from personal knowledge, perhaps derived from his documented conversation in 1843 with Frances Livingston Butler, or maybe long before that. In the next paragraph, T. W. C. relates what he learned during a personal "interview" with Clement C. Moore the day before, on March 14, 1862:
he told me that a portly, rubicund, Dutchman, living in the neighbourhood of his fathers country seat, Chelsea, suggested to him the idea of making St. Nicholas the hero of this "Christmas piece" for his children.
The identity of that Chelsea "Dutchman" remains a mystery. I can't do everything around here.

Transcribed in full below, the earliest known Livingston witness letter, fully and decisively affirming Clement C. Moore's authorship of "A Visit from St. Nicholas" aka "The Night Before Christmas." Addressed to the Librarian of the Historical Society, the letter from T. W. C. Moore was first published in The New York Historical Society Quarterly Bulletin 2.4 (January 1919) pages 111-115.


73 East 12th St.
New York, March 15th 1862.
Geo. H. Moore Esqr
Librarian of The New-York Historical Society:
Dear Sir:
I have the pleasure to inform you that Doctor Clement C. Moore has been so kind as to comply with my request (made at your suggestion) to furnish, for the Archives of our Society, an Autograph Copy of his justly celebrated "Visit from St. Nicholas." I now enclose it to you.—

I hardly need call your attention to the distinctness and beauty of his hand writing:—very remarkable, considering his advanced age, (he completed his 82d year in July last) and his much impaired eye sight.

These lines were composed for his two daughters, as a Christmas present, about 40 years ago.—They were copied by a relative of Dr. Moores in her Album, from which a copy was made by a friend of hers, from Troy, and, much to the surprise of the Author, were published (for the first time) in a Newspaper of that city.—

In an interview that I had yesterday with Dr. Moore, he told me that a portly, rubicund, Dutchman, living in the neighbourhood of his fathers country seat, Chelsea, suggested to him the idea of making St. Nicholas the hero of this "Christmas piece" for his children.
I remain, very respy. Your obt. st.

T. W. C. Moore

Listed in WorldCat from the library catalog of the New-York Historical Society as A Visit from St. Nicholas: Holograph; currently held in Mss Collection, BV Moore, Clement, Non-circulating.
Holograph manuscript, dated March 13, 1862, of Clement C. Moore's "A visit from St. Nicholas," originally composed ca. 1822 and written out by the author on this occasion at the suggestion of librarian George H. Moore of the New-York Historical who wished to add a holograph copy of the poem to the Society's library collection. The three page manuscript is accompanied by a cover letter addressed to George Moore by Thomas W.C. Moore presenting the enclosed manuscript and briefly discussing the circumstances of the poem's original composition forty years earlier.  --New-York Historical Society, catalog summary via BobCat
https://library.nyu.edu/persistent/lcn/nyu_aleph000690235?institution=NYU&persistent

More about TWC MOORE


The will of Thomas W. C. Moore confirms that he remembered many nieces including Frances Livingston Butler, and his Illinois connections, too. In his 1858 will (accessible via Ancestry.com, as I found with expert help from The Frick Collection, Center for the History of Collecting), T. W. C. names his brother Francis Childs Moore as one of the executors along with his friend Stephen Cambreling and nephew-in-law Joseph D. Evans. A codicil revokes the nomination of Cambreling due to his "impaired health of late." To his niece "Mrs. Frances L. Butler" Moore bequeathed "all my Italian books & pamphlets - all my loose engravings & prints - also a Landscape (No. 8.) by Dan Huntington"; these gifts were in addition to the legacy of two thousand dollars each that T. W. C. Moore bestowed on all four "daughters of my late sister Lydia."

T. W. C. Moore and Clement. C. Moore were both Original Members of the Union Club of the City of New York, founded in June 1836. Both belonged to the New York Society Library (whose 1764 copy of Seneca's Morals and 1754 edition of the Dictionnaire des monogrammes were both donated by TWC Moore).


The chapter on "Commercial History" in volume 4 of The Memorial History of the City of New York features a portrait of T. W. C.'s father John Moore. The footnote by editor James Grant Wilson relates that T. W. C. Moore "shared his father's love for literature, wrote society verses, and was an intimate friend of Fitz-Greene Halleck."
John Moore was deputy collector and receiver- general of his majesty's customs in New-York while occupied by the British forces during the Revolution, and for ten years previous. He was a favorite in society, a writer of pleasant satires on the men and women of the city, gay and convivial. Some of his writings yet survive in manuscript. and throw light on the manners of the time. His son, Thomas W. C. Moore, shared his father's love for literature, wrote society verses, and was an intimate friend of Fitz-Greene Halleck, as their fathers had been before them. The son's portrait appears in the picture of the interior of the Park Theater, in Volume III. Editor.  --James Grant Wilson, The Memorial History of the City of New York, Volume4 - page 517.

T. W. C. was fondly remembered in Virginia, too. After his death in 1872, a niece inherited two letters concerning portraits of George Washington, as documented in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 18.1 (1894) on page 81. This niece was (like her sister Frances Livingston Hart, Mrs. Butler) another daughter of T. W. C.'s sister Lydia Hubbard Hart: Mrs. Elizabeth E. Coleman, widow of the Rev. Reuben Lindsay Coleman, of Albemarle County, Virginia. In Richmond T. W. C. may have visited Moore cousins as well, family of his father's brother Richard Channing Moore. Here's a vivid reminiscence from "old Virginia":
"Old Cousin Tom," we were wont to call him. What a stream of memories, sweet childish memories, his name evokes! Can we forget him who never forgot his juvenile kindred, but made glad their hearts, not once but always, when his travels brought him to old Virginia. His portrait appears in the picture of the interior of the Park Theatre in the History of New York City, in the library of the Penn. Hist. Society. He spent much time in genealogical research and was a steadfast friend of Fitz-Greene HALLECK. Peace to his ashes!  --Six centuries of the Moores of Fawley, Berkshire, England and their descendants amid the titled and untitled aristocracy of Great Britain and America (Richmond, VA, 1904) via RootsWeb
From Buenos Aires in 1824, T. W. C. wrote a letter to his father John Moore that is reproduced and transcribed on Spared & Shared 4, with this bit of biography:
Thomas W. C. Moore transcribed his father’s memoirs in 1851, was one of the promoters of the Academy of Fine Arts, and travelled through the art galleries of Europe with Washington Irving and Sir David Wilkie. He died unmarried. --Spared & Shared 4
MacDonald P. Jackson discusses the letter from T. W. C. Moore without recognizing Moore's kinship with Henry Livingston, Jr. as the son of Livingston's first cousin and Poughkeepsie neighbor Judith Livingston Moore. As Jackson does explain (Who Wrote, page 102), "T. W. C. Moore and Clement, though not related by blood, were both nephews of the same aunt and uncle." Edifying particulars may be found on the Stephen Moore of Mount Tirzah Family blog of David Jeffreys:
TWC Moore's uncle, Rev. Thomas Lambert Moore was married to Judith Moore, the aunt of Clement Clarke Moore, the author of the poem. The two Moore families are not otherwise related.  --Teri Bradshaw O'Neill
So T. W. C. Moore was related to Clement by marriage. But as discussed herein, the closer blood relation was to his mother's first cousin: Henry Livingston, Jr.

Disambiguation

  • Livingston cousin Thomas William Channing Moore (1794-1872), New York merchant and banker, art collector, antiquarian, and active member of the New-York Historical Society most definitely is not the Canadian diplomat T. W. C.( Thomas William CHARLES?) Moore (1794-1873).

  • And let's not confuse our T. W. C. Moore with his younger relative of the same name, Thomas William Channing Moore (1834-1881). The grandfather of that TWC Moore, the Rev Richard Channing Moore, was a brother of John Moore, our antiquarian TWC Moore's father. Young TWC Moore served in the U. S. Civil War with the Wisconsin volunteers; most famously an aide-de-camp of Philip Sheridan. Enlisted in Company B, Wisconsin 24th Infantry Regiment on 13 Aug 1862; mustered out 1866 and promoted to Brevet Lt Col in 1867. Staten Island TWCM is honorably remembered in Morris's Memorial History of Staten Island, New York as "Colonel Thomas W. C. Moore, Military Secretary on the staff of General Sheridan, during the Civil War, was born at Richmond; he was a son of Rev. Dr. David Moore, rector of St. Andrew's Church, and a brother of Richard Channing Moore."

Related posts

Friday, February 3, 2017

Response by MacDonald P. Jackson


Response to Scott Norsworthy

(on his Melvilliana blog, 7 November 2016: 
melvilliana.blogspot.com/2016/11/computer-error-please-try-again.html)

My book Who Wrote “The Night Before Christmas”? is most unlikely to get a longer review than Scott Norsworthy’s, or one by anybody so knowledgeable about the poetry of Clement Clarke Moore. Norsworthy offers several interesting observations, and it’s decent of him to identify me as “a first-rate scholar” and “an esteemed and truly estimable Shakespeare scholar,” even if only to lament how far I have fallen from grace. But his eagerness to find fault often leads him to misrepresent what I say and do. I appreciate his generosity in posting my response.

Norsworthy complains that while granting that the prima facie case for Moore’s authorship of the poem is strong I then proceed “as if none of it matters.” But unless you assume that the “external evidence” supporting Moore’s claim is conclusive and the long-standing belief among descendants of Henry Livingston that their ancestor was the true author must consequently be groundless, your only recourse in trying to get at the truth is to investigate internal evidence. Since my evaluation of the documentary evidence precludes this assumption, this is what I did. The results of the stylistic tests consistently classify “The Night Before Christmas” with Livingston’s verse, but because Norsworthy judges that the case for Moore’s authorship has already been proven by the external evidence (so that I address a “non-problem”), he dismisses “stylometric evidence” as leading to “error” and enjoins me to “please try again” till (somehow) I produce the result that he wants.

In Norsworthy’s opinion, I minimized “likely textual corruptions in the first, unauthorized newspaper printing.” He would evidently categorize among these supposed “corruptions” the naming of the last two reindeer as “Dunder and Blixem,” which Moore “corrected” in 1844 to “Donder and Blitzen”. The anonymous Troy Sentinel (23 December 1823) version printed:
“Now! Dasher, now! Dancer, now! Prancer, and Vixen.
“On! Comet, on! Cupid, on! Dunder and Blixem;
In Moore’s Poems (1844) this couplet reads:
Now, Dasher! now, Dancer! now, Prancer and Vixen!
On, Comet! on, Cupid! on Donder and Blitzen!
If Norsworthy is right, then textual corruption (a) created “Dunder and Blixem,” a common variant at that time of the Dutch oath Donder en Bliksem (“Thunder and Lightning”) with which Livingston—who lived in Dutchess County and three of whose grandparents were Dutch—would have been well acquainted; (b) placed exclamation marks in an anomalous position characteristic of Livingston’s way with such punctuation, but not Moore’s; and, (c) while perfecting the first syllable of a poor rhyme into the exact “Vix”–“Blix,” produced a nasal “en”–“em” second syllable to the rhyme, accidentally bringing it into line with Livingston’s liking, not shared with Moore, for nasal rhyming. Yet my discussion of the “reindeer names” is said by Norsworthy to “amount to special pleading.” Isn’t it, rather, special pleading to pass off the Sentinel variants as “textual corruptions”?

Norsworthy quotes my statement that, although the external evidence, taken at face value, favours Moore’s authorship of “The Night Before Christmas,” “no reader of poetry with any sense of literary style and value could compare Moore’s body of verse with Livingston’s without recognizing that ‘The Night Before Christmas’ is a conspicuous misfit within Moore’s canon and would be comfortably at home within Livingston’s.” He reduces this to “only an idiot would align ‘Night Before Christmas’ with the transparently awful poetry of Clement C. Moore,” and charges that Jackson “takes for granted the very thing he wants to test.” But “only an idiot” and “transparently awful” are Norsworthy’s words, not mine. So is his characterization of my “false premise”: “Moore’s poetry sucks.” The fact is that, although I don’t rate Moore’s poetry as highly as Norsworthy does, I recognize his competence and his ambitions. But I do find the bulk of his verse “dull” and less engaging than Livingston’s. I say that “The Night Before Christmas” seems a “misfit” within Moore’s canon but “would be comfortably at home within Livingston’s” and that it “is as uncharacteristic of Moore as it is characteristic of Livingston” because the kind of “verve, imagination, humor, whimsy, and sheer joyous inventiveness” displayed in this Christmas poem strikes me as present in Livingston’s body of verse but absent from Moore’s, which is dissimilar in tone. I agree with Norsworthy that although Moore’s poetic models are “the usual eighteenth-century” ones, in “To Southey,” under the influence of this “romantic,” he taps a true voice of feeling, Moore’s lines on the death of his wife in 1830, quoted by Norsworthy, being genuinely moving. I concede that, in the face of the grief expressed there, my “No doubt, Clement Clarke Moore loved his wife and children” seems unduly flippant. But “To Southey” is surely an utterly different type of poem from “The Night Before Christmas.”

Norsworthy’s account of Livingston’s verse is, in my view, misleading. He writes: “I’m here to tell you the Romantic revolution in literature missed him in Poughkeepsie.” But because Livingston’s autograph manuscripts of poems composed from 1791 till his death in 1828 perished in a fire (except those copied into his daughter Jane’s poetry book), most of his surviving poems belong to the period 1776–90. Wordsworth and Coleridge’s volume, Lyrical Ballads was published in 1798, Keats’s first volume of Poems in 1817, Shelley’s (Original Poetry) in 1810. Southey’s The Curse of Kehama, which Norsworthy cites as an influence on Moore, was published in 1810, and A Tale of Paraguay, also cited as a stimulus, in 1825. Given this chronology, it doesn’t make much sense to say that “the Romantic revolution in literature missed” Livingston. He didn’t, in any case, aspire to join a poetic mainstream. As I explain in my Chapter 2, his verse, akin to that of popular song-books, belongs rather to the tradition of the entertainer. He writes rebuses, acrostics, and his topical Carrier Addresses simply to amuse, and most other pieces to delight or console relatives and friends. “His is a folk art that often achieves something durable.”

But this is really a side-issue. More important is Norsworthy’s suggestion that my subjective belief that “The Night Before Christmas” is more characteristic of Livingston’s output than of Moore’s compromises my “scientific objectivity” in conducting computational tests. It is, however, perfectly normal and legitimate to have a theory and then objectively test it. If Moore wrote “The Night Before Christmas,” counts of features that distinguish most Moore poems from most Livingston poems ought usually to have associated “The Night Before Christmas” with Moore’s corpus, thus falsifying my subjectively based theory, but they consistently associate it with Livingston’s. Shortly I’ll answer Norsworthy’s specific charges of bias in my conducting of the statistical tests. But first there’s the matter of my alleged “tin ear.”

I drew attention to parallels in three of Livingston’s rebuses (and meant to mention four) with the lines in “The Night Before Christmas”:
The moon on the breast of the new fallen snow,
Gave the lustre of mid-day to objects below.
I didn’t claim, as Norsworthy says I did, that the rebuses “replicate [my italics] the familiar couplet.” The difference between the puzzle-poems’ posing of their clue and the lyricism of the more famous lines is easily recognizable, and it is obvious enough that in the rebuses, but not in the Christmas poem, darkness is equated with “error.” But all four rebus couplets repeat the idea of light turning that darkness (of “midnight” in three cases) into day, and twice it is into the brightness of midday (“meridian,” “noon”):
The Goddess refulgent whose far-beaming rays
Can pour upon error meridian blase. (“Deity Rebus”)
That goddess refulgent whose ray through the gloom
Of error’s dark midnight can light up a noon. (“Sages Rebus”)
(Norsworthy understandably doesn’t quote this last example, because of my muddling of the titles of the rebuses.) Moreover the answer to each variation of the rebus clues is Thea or Theia, whom classicist Edith Hamilton glossed as “(shining), name sometimes given to the moon.” So, although the actual heavenly body is not specifically mentioned, it is by association part of the complex of ideas. For Norsworthy, “There’s literally no material thing whatsoever to be seen in any of Livingston’s three Rebus couplets, beyond metaphorical ray-beams from heaven and implied insight.” But to employ darkness, light, and noonday figuratively is not to dispel the images that naturally form in the reader’s mind. In the metaphorical language of poetry the “vehicle” is as present as the “tenor,” to employ the well-established terms. Further, “new fallen snow” in “The Night Before Christmas” couplet is a phrase used by Livingston (as “new fall’n snows”) but never by Moore, while Livingston links “snow” and “breast” in “snow-white breast.”

Norsworthy points out that in none of his acknowledged poems does Livingston use “breast” figuratively, whereas Moore does so once in “some lofty mountain’s breast,” which is only four lines separate from a “snowy shower,” “The Water-Drinker” being concerned with water in its several manifestations. But Literature Online finds thirty-seven instances of “mountain’s breast” in the period 1750–1850 in poetry alone—it is a commonplace—but no example of “the snow’s breast” or “the breast of the snow,” whether new fallen or not. Norsworthy also cites Moore’s lines in “Charles Elphinstone,” “Surpris’d, I found the moon’s soft silvery ray / Spread like a mantle o’er the objects round” and makes some pertinent observations about Moore’s use of “objects,” “lustre” (twice), and (later) “brains,” “visions,” and “dread.” He also connects the Christmas poem’s “wondering eyes” with Moore’s “wond’ring ear” in “To the Nymphs of Mount Harmony”. But Literature Online yields 113 instances of “wondering eyes” in poetry of the period 1750–1850, and the phrase occurs in the balcony scene of Romeo and Juliet (2.2.29) and in the landmark Psalms and Hymns (1789, revised 1814), compiled by Livingston’s clergyman brother John Henry Livingston for the Reformed Dutch Church.

Norsworthy also notes that “Moore wrote a whole poem on new fallen snow: Lines / Written After a Snow-Storm. For his kids.” True, Moore does draw the attention of his children to the beauty of the snow, but he typically ends by remarking that even as they watch “The fairy scene soon fades away, / And mocks our raptur’d sight” and drawing the moral:
And let this fleeting vision teach
A truth you soon must know—
That all the joys we here can reach
Are transient as the snow.
If this is Moore’s notion of writing “For his kids,” it is a far cry from that which inspired “The Night Before Christmas.”

No doubt Norsworthy and I could continue to debate the respective merits of his parallels between “The Night Before Christmas” and Moore’s verse and mine between “The Night Before Christmas” and Livingston’s verse, with mine including the conjunction within five lines of the Livingston rhymes “belly”–“jelly” and “elf”–“-self” and the idiom in “right jolly” (the adjective appearing four times and the idiom “right [adjective]” once in Livingston’s verse, but neither appearing in Moore’s) and the conjunction of Livingston markers in the poem’s final line: the then extremely rare “Happy Christmas” rather than “Merry Christmas,” a chiasmic structure, and the seasonal wish “to all” (Who Wrote, 47–8). But attribution scholars have long ago learned from experience that merely collecting parallels that entail what Norsworthy calls “distinctive meanings and contexts” and that connect one favored candidate with a disputed work is apt to produce conflicting evidence. One scholar will compile a list associating a disputed text with Author A and another responds with a similar list associating the disputed text with Author B. I cited a few such links between “The Night Before Christmas” and Livingston to show up the inadequacy of Joe Nickell’s list of parallels between the poem and Moore, and searched instead for trigrams (three-word sequences) that it shares with only one of the two authors, because these can be precisely defined and the search can be comprehensive for both candidates. Though the data were sparse, the results tended to favour Livingston. Norsworthy thinks I should have included Moore’s “lustre of the day,” but this is a different three-word sequence from “lustre of mid-day” and so doesn’t qualify by the preset rules. If we include trigrams in the titles “From/from Saint/St. Nicholas,” as Norsworthy proposes, the tallies still slightly favour Livingston, given his smaller poetic corpus.

The main evidence for Livingston, however, resides in those high-frequency words and phoneme pairs despised by Norsworthy as “meaningless bits, inconsequential and perhaps random in their distribution.” Although I provided references to a survey by Patrick Juola of modern attribution techniques and to an influential study by John Burrows, Norsworthy seems not to appreciate that rates of high-frequency words have been shown to be among the best discriminators between authors—not just of early modern texts but of texts of all periods and genres. They form the framework on which sentences, with their “content” words (nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs) are built, and so their rates of use register authorial preferences in the deployment of grammar and syntax. And indeed I show that they are effective in distinguishing most poems by Livingston from most poems by Moore. So, as I also show, are “phoneme pairs”. A phoneme is a unit of significant sound in a specific language and phoneme pairs were defined as consisting of the last phoneme (in the phonetic system Arpabet) of one word and the first phoneme of the next word within a single verse line. The rates of occurrence of different phoneme pairs are good indicators of authorship, particularly of poetry, because they register a combination of (a) choices of words and (b) ways of putting them together. A poet’s preferences among them are governed by both sound and sense.

As a postscript to the above paragraph, it seems worth mentioning that a fair proportion of the words of “medium-high frequency” dealt with in my Chapter 17 happen to be meaningful “content” words—nouns, verbs, adjectives, or adverbs (see Who Wrote, page 183, Chapter 17, note 1).

Norsworthy makes several criticisms of my handling of the evidence of common words and phoneme pairs—evidence that consistently associates “The Night Before Christmas” with Livingston, not Moore. He implies that I discard the “very high-frequency word” “to” because its overall rate is closer to Moore’s mean than Livingston’s. But, as I explain, I eliminate it from the test described in Chapter 14 because the variability of usage of this word within each poet’s work means that a t-test reveals no statistically significant difference between their corpora, so that the word is unsuited to stand-alone testing. It turned out, however, to qualify (by a predetermined mathematical criterion) for use as one of the common words for which rates were recorded in Chapter 16, and was duly counted as a “Moore-favored word”. As I wrote, “Despite the context-sensitive character of many pronouns and verbs, they have been used effectively in dozens of authorship studies, along with other high-frequency words. Very common words that, unlike ‘that,’ are ineffective as stand-alone discriminators may have value as members of a substantial group of words, each with some discriminatory power.” So “I” and “is,“ which Norsworthy criticizes me for discarding from Chapter 14 on the grounds that “I” is apt to be “context-sensitive” and “is” is part of the “lexeme” “to be” with its various components, are duly employed in Chapter 16, where they turn out to qualify as “Livingston-favored words.” There has been no biased or arbitrary exclusion of any word that occurs at or above a stipulated rate of occurrence in Moore’s or Livingston’s body of verse.

Norsworthy pounces on my concession that rates of use of phoneme pairs beginning with the Arpabet sound AH are largely determined by rates of use of the definite and indefinite articles (“the” and “a”), and writes that “Livingston’s usual anapestic meter pumps up usage of just the things Professor Jackson has been trying to count” and “has to skew the usage of ‘the’ and ‘a’ and ‘and’.” Apart from the innuendo in “trying” (as though I hadn’t managed to count rates of occurrence at all), Norsworthy’s claim is that counts of the words that are used at the highest rates by either of the two poets and are used at rates at least 1.2 times greater by one of them are influenced by Livingston’s greater use than Moore’s of the anapestic meter employed in “The Night Before Christmas.” Yet at several points I discuss this possible confounding factor and show that, while it may have had some slight effect on some tests, it cannot account for the overall results. And I repeatedly discuss the results for Moore’s two anapestic pieces, “The Pig and the Rooster,” included in Poems (1844), and “From Saint Nicholas,” closely contemporary with Moore’s supposed composition of “The Night Before Christmas” in 1822, and later on the anapestic “Irish Valentine” and “For a Kiss,” written long afterwards in the period 1843–52. None of Moore’s anapestic pieces attains the percentage of articles among all words of “The Night Before Christmas” (11.439): “The Pig and the Rooster” 7.663, “From Saint Nicholas” 3.271, “For a Kiss” 8.087, “Irish Valentine” 9.322. Yet some poems by Livingston that are not in anapests surpass the percentage even of “The Night Before Christmas”: “Lo from the East” 11.905, “Parody on the Death of General Wolfe” 12.174, “To Miss” 12.500, “Queen of Love Rebus” 11.628. The increase in the use of the articles in poems of Moore’s old age has nothing to do with the meter: neither “Caroline’s Album” nor “Newport Beach,” in which the rates are highest, is in anapests.

Nor is my concession—after checking the efficacy of the various tests by applying them to those late manuscript poems by Moore that were deliberately held back for that purpose—that Moore uses rates of attributive adjectives more sparingly in his four anapestic pieces than in his other poems and “could conceivably have written a poem in anapests that was a sparing of adjectives as ‘The Night Before Christmas’” as damaging to my case as Norsworthy imagines (“With that concession, it’s all over but the crying.”). The well-established mathematical phenomenon known as “the regression effect” makes it probable that when discriminators developed from one set of data are applied to a new set there will be some slight loss of discriminatory power. Moreover, the initial treatment of attributive adjectives in Table 7.1 relied on blocks of at least 500 words, whereas the results for the additional poems, recorded in Table 18.1, was for individual poems, some much shorter than 500 words, so leading to greater random variation. Even so, none of Moore’s four anapestic pieces has a percentage of attributive adjectives per total words as low as for “The Night Before Christmas” (16.236): “Pig and Rooster” 39.4, “For Saint Nicholas” 36.0, “For a Kiss” 27.8, “Irish Valentine” 28.0. Yet, as I note, at least five individual pieces by Livingston have percentages ranging from 10.5 to 19.2 (Who Wrote, 98). The “scruples” with which Norsworthy kindly credits me are directed at assessing, from their performance on a new set of Moore poems (ones mainly about young folk and that Foster was criticized for ignoring), which tests are the most reliable. Definite and indefinite articles, and attributive adjectives, are judged to be of some efficacy but of less than more comprehensive counts.

The most important counter to Norsworthy’s suggestion that Livingston’s liking for anapests “pumps up usage of the things Professor Jackson has been trying to count”—trying successfully, one might add—is that it cannot possibly explain the figures for those most effective discriminators, “individual phoneme pairs,” “high frequency words,” and “common words,” tabulated in Chapters 12, 16, and 17, and processed in Figures 3 and 4 (Who Wrote, 132–3). If we divide the percentages of “Livingston-favored phoneme pairs” in Table 12.1 into those for anapestic tetrameter pieces and the rest, the mean for the anapestic pieces is slightly higher than for the other group, but a t-test shows that the difference is not statistically significant, but has a better than one in five probability of occurring by pure chance. A similar check of Table 16.2 (high-frequency words) shows the anapestic pieces having a lower mean percentage of “Livingston- favored words” (53.4708) than the other group (64.8487)—and this difference is statistically significant. Again, the percentages of “Livingston-favored words” in Table 17.1 is slightly lower for the anapestic pieces (61.7204) than for the others (63.2948), though statistically speaking the two groups are indistinguishable.

My Figures 3 and 4 present the most crucial evidence in pictorial form. They include not only the Moore poems used for the main investigation but also the twelve manuscript poems used for checking the tests. The graphs show the numbers of poems by Livingston and by Moore that fall within different ranges in their percentages of Livingston-favored phonemes (Figure 3) and Livingston-favored words (Figure 4). For Figure 4 all words that occur in the top 110 for either author and that qualify as used at an overall rate at least 1.2 times greater in one author than the other are included (combining data from Tables 16.2, 17.1, 18.1, 18.2, 18.5, and the counts of “that” for individual poems that lie behind the amalgamations of Table 14.1). Both Figure 3 and Figure 4 show “The Night Before Christmas” placed around the middle of the Livingston distribution and outside the range for Moore. Without making any comment on these results, Norsworthy notes that counts of various features show overlaps between Moore’s poems and Livingston’s and judges the method “Crazy!” But, although no one discriminator or set of discriminators can be expected to achieve perfect separation between all Moore’s poems and all Livingston’s, the overlaps are between different poems on different tests, so that no poem by Moore falls as consistently as does “The Night Before Christmas” within the Livingston range.

Norsworthy finds fault with the make-up of my corpus of Moore poems. I excluded from counts of various features three of his acknowledged verse translations, two from Italian and one from Greek. That seemed to me a reasonable precaution. Had I included them Norsworthy might have criticized me for using poems that were not of Moore’s free composition but were derived from languages other than English. Failure to exclude “The Mischievous Muse—Translated” was an oversight. Livingston’s retelling of stories that derive ultimately from Aesop or his few verse paraphrases of passages based on books of the Old Testament that were already in English seemed to belong to a different category. In any case, including Moore’s three excluded translations or excluding Livingston’s poems with a basis in the Bible would have had no significant effect on the overall results. Norsworthy also blames me for not making full use of “Biography of the Heart of Clement C. Moore”. As I explain, I was unable to obtain a copy, but consulted the long extract quoted by Moore’s biographer Samuel White Patterson, which is the source to which Norsworthy himself provides a link. I noted that several of my tests associated Patterson’s text strongly with Moore’s verse and differentiated it from Livingston’s (Who Wrote, page 183, Chapter 18, note 3). Norsworthy has since (5 January 2017, on his Melvilliana blog site) made available a transcript of the whole poem. Preliminary analysis affords results in line with those of the large Patterson sample. As for the massive “Charles Elphinstone,” one of the manuscript poems of 1843–52 that were held back for testing the tests and itself datable to 1851, what I said about that blank verse biographical epic was that, since it was so obviously remote in manner and matter from “The Night Before Christmas,” I wouldn’t attempt the onerous task of breaking it down into 500-word blocks (say) and calculating all the data for each block. But I did give overall figures for “Charles Elphinstone” on the various tests, and even some of the more important figures for its individual “parts”: these figures associated it unequivocally with Moore, not Livingston or “The Night Before Christmas.” Incidentally, I can’t see that the pun on the famous surname “Elphinstone” (Elfin Stone) that Norsworthy exhibits in order, presumably, to imply that Moore might have created an elfin St Nick would serve any function in the poem.

I’ll say something about two small matters. Norsworthy writes: “Professor Jackson means to dismiss Moore as a ‘moralist’ and ‘satirist’ but see here now, those labels equally apply to Livingston who lectures his sister Joanna to count her blessings and ‘Meekly attend the ways of higher heav’n!’ On her birthday!” There are a couple of things to say in reply. The first is that my calling Moore a ‘moralist’ and ‘satirist’ wasn’t intended as dismissal; rather, I was aiming to distinguish between the overall impressions made by Moore’s Poems (1844) and the surviving verse of Livingston. The second is to remind Norsworthy of his own admonition that one should read lines within their whole context. Livingston’s poem to his sister (seven years younger than he, but turning thirty-three) is full of affection and of his desire to share her griefs and joys and cheer her (since she may be apprehensive about getting older) by praising her, her husband, and her children. He ends with a stanza of benediction that uses much the same images and vocabulary as his blessing on his little niece Ann Duyckinck. “Meekly attend the ways of higher heav’n!” marks a rallying point, rather than the beginning of a moralizing lecture. I’m pretty confident that Norsworthy can appreciate as well as I can the difference in tone and essential message between this birthday poem and Moore’s “To a Young Lady on her Birthday’,” which seems calculated to make the young lady miserable by reminding her that her beauty will fade and death must ensue. Referring to Moore’s “A Trip to Saratoga,” Norsworthy writes: “The father-with-kids theme of the whole poem recalls the setting of ‘The Night Before Christmas.”’ But most readers will be struck by how completely different in spirit those two poems are. The father-narrator of “The Night Before Christmas” simply observes St Nick while the children sleep. The poem relates a magical encounter, so as to amuse and delight the young. When—the father Henry Mildmay having safely got his children back home from their trip to Saratoga—daughter Kate gives him a goodnight kiss, he responds with a twenty-line homily on the lessons to be learned from their escapade, hoping that she can “appreciate true worth” and view “worthless folly” “with due scorn.”

Finally, there are the much more important issues of the alleged source of “The Night Before Christmas” and the weight of the external evidence. Norsworthy judges the “influence of Washington Irving’s portrait of St. Nicholas in the 1812 and later editions of A History of New York” to be “clear and direct.” In Chapter 4 I explain why I think that it is not. In my view, belief that Irving’s History must have influenced the poem depends on having made a prior assumption about the poem’s date of composition. The points of resemblance between History and poem are not conclusive in themselves.

As for the external evidence, there can be no doubt that several people who knew Clement Clarke Moore thought of him as author of “The Night Before Christmas,” and Norsworthy has shown that Orville Holley, who in 1823 was editor of the Troy Sentinel, later claimed to have heard that Moore was the author of the poem within a few months of its first printing. But it is also the case that as soon as Livingston’s descendants became aware, around 1860, that the poem was being attributed to Moore they expressed indignation at what they considered a misattribution. In 1844 Moore had to enquire from the Troy Sentinel owner Norman Tuttle how the poem came to be printed in that newspaper, and in preparing copy for his Poems he relied on a Sentinel broadsheet reprint of 1830 that Tuttle sent him (Who Wrote, 173–4). No pre-publication autograph by Moore has ever surfaced. Both the Moore and the Livingston stories involve the poem’s having been delivered to the Sentinel by intermediaries. The Livingston notion of how a poem by Henry Livingston was misattributed is not inherently incredible. I discussed these matters, and the Odell connection, in Chapters 19–21. The copy of “The Night Before Christmas” in Mary Odell’s handwriting cannot have been based on anything sent to the family by Moore himself: its textual oddities—including the meaningless reindeer name “Blixen,” where Moore (Norsworthy assures us) wrote “Blitzen,” the transposition “pawing and prancing,” and the variant “was slung over”—demonstrate that (Who Wrote, 116–18).

Norsworthy has, however, made an important discovery, anticipated in his Melvilliana blog of 31 October 16, where he noted that on 25 December 1843 the Daily National Intelligencer (Washington, DC) published “A Visit from St. Nicholas” (“The Night Before Christmas”) as “written by JOSEPH WOOD, artist.” On 28 December the paper printed a letter from “C.” saying that this attribution was “a mistake” and that the poem was by Clement C. Moore and had been published as his “in the volume of American Poems edited by John Keese,” which is The Poets of America Illustrated by One of Her Painters (New York, 1840), item number 20 in Nancy H. Marshall’s bibliography. Then on 6 March the Daily National Intelligencer noted “the request addressed to us by the New York American to copy a note of Mr. CLEMENT C. MOORE concerning the authorship of the admired lines of his, describing the visit of St. Nicholas,” but pointed out that there was no need to do so, since the letter of 28 December had already made the correction. The editor of the Intelligencer added that he did not suspect the “unknown correspondent” who had attributed the poem to Joseph Wood of any intention to deceive but conjectured “that some friend of the late Mr. WOOD (who had many friends) finding among his papers, after his death, a copy of these lines in his hand-writing, took it for granted, in the absence of other information, that the authorship was his.” Interestingly, this proposed explanation of the mistake bears a close resemblance to that offered by Livingston’s descendants for what they consider the misattribution of the poem to Moore. They believe that a visitor to Moore’s house (probably Harriet Butler, who passed it on to Sarah Sackett), seeing Livingston’s poem there, wrongly assumed that it had been composed by Moore, the difference from the theory about the Wood case being that Moore was not dead and the handwriting is alleged to have been Livingston’s.

The significant point, though, is that the paragraph in the Daily National Intelligencer of 6 March 1844 “seems to mean,” as Norsworthy said in his 31 October blog,” that sometime before March 6, 1844, the New York American published a note from Clement C. Moore acknowledging his authorship of ‘A Visit from St. Nicholas.’” With admirable scholarly diligence, he has since established that this is indeed the meaning. He has tracked down a letter by Clement C. Moore (dated 27 February 1844) in the American of 1 March 1944, in which Moore quotes the Intelligencer’s correspondent’s attribution of “The Night Before Christmas” to Joseph Wood, and adds:
The above is printed immediately over some lines, describing a visit from St. Nicholas, which I wrote many years ago, I think somewhere between 1822 and 1824, not for publication, but to amuse my children. They, however, found their way, to my great surprise, in the Troy Sentinel: nor did I know, until lately, how they got there. When “The New York Book” was about to be published, I was applied to for some contribution to the work. Accordingly, I gave the publisher several pieces, among which was the “Visit from St. Nicholas.” It was printed under my name, and has frequently since been republished, in your paper among others, with my name attached to it. 
Under these circumstances, I feel it incumbent on me not to remain silent, while so bold a claim, as the above quoted, is laid to my literary property, however small the intrinsic value of that property may be.
The New York Book was published in 1827. 
Yours, truly and respectfully,
CLEMENT C. MOORE
In the face of this unequivocal statement, arguers for Livingston’s authorship must accuse Moore of an outright untruth, which is not an attractive prospect.

There is, however, an intriguing proximity of dates. On 23 February 1844 Moore writes to Norman Tuttle enquiring about the provenance of the Troy Sentinel printing of “The Night Before Christmas” in 1823. On 26 February Tuttle replies that it came from Sarah Hackett, that he did not then know who the author was, but that he has “since been informed” that it was Moore. Moore then includes “The Night Before Christmas” (“A Visit from St. Nicholas”) among his collected Poems, with a preface dated March 1844, having in his letter dated 1 March in the New York American claimed the poem as his. It appears to be only after ascertaining from Tuttle that the Sentinel had received “The Night Before Christmas” from Sarah Hackett, who was not a poet, that Moore decided expressly and publicly to take credit as author.

Don Foster did not know of the New York American’s request to the Intelligencer, or of Moore’s letter in the American, but his interpretation of the other events was that after Moore received Tuttle’s letter, “The coast was clear. Twenty-one years after the first publication of “A Visit,” Henry Livingston, Mrs. Sackett, and Moore’s own wife were dead. Tuttle believed the hearsay that the poem was written by Professor Moore. Having no compelling grounds on which to exclude “A Visit from St. Nicholas” from his forthcoming edition of collected Poems, and no one who was likely to contradict him, Professor Moore followed the flow.” (Author Unknown, 271)

This is certainly to impute “bad faith” to Moore. Norsworthy avoids making any such accusation of the Livingston family by supposing that they were simply mistaken, having confused one of Henry Livingston’s Carrier Addresses with “The Night Before Christmas.” But the long Carrier Addresses, resumés of the year’s events, were aimed at adults. It’s hard to see how one of these public offerings—even one ending with New Year celebrations and the wish to all of a Happy New Year—could have been muddled in the memories of Livingston’s children with his private recital to them of a poem about a rosy-cheeked, white-bearded, round-bellied, elfin bearer of gifts transported in a miniature sleigh drawn by eight tiny reindeer, carried in a sack slung over his shoulder, and delivered by way of the chimney on Christmas Eve.

Norsworthy judges that, for Livingston, “the best piece of external evidence, poetical ‘visions of gaiety’ in pre-1823 family correspondence is pretty weak.” But it is not so weak as this formulation makes it seem. Livingston’s son Edwin wrote verse, and a surviving poem in the style of his father’s epistolary anapests and enclosed in a letter of 11 June 1821 to his brother Charles, contains the words “visions of,” “lustre,” “hoof,” and “to work” No poem among the many thousands in the extensive Literature Online database, with the single exception of “The Night Before Christmas,” contains these words (or the variant “to . . . [personal pronoun] work”) within some sixty lines of one another. This strikes me as better than “pretty weak” evidence that Edwin subconsciously echoed “The Night Before Christmas” a year and a half before Moore is supposed to have composed it. Norsworthy generously, and appropriately, expresses gratitude for Mary Van Deusen’s “fabulous Henry Livingston website,” but, because he is certain that “The Night Before Christmas” poses no authorship problem to solve, he doesn’t, in my view, take the Livingston claims, supported on that site by “witness letters,” seriously enough.

To return to Moore’s letter to the New York American, his date of 1827 for the New-York Book of Poetry is of course wrong: the anthology was published in 1837. That may well be the newspaper’s misprint, but another part of Moore’s statement is dubious. With reference to Hoffman’s inclusion of “The Night Before Christmas,” under Moore’s name, in the 1837 New-York Book of Poetry, Norsworthy commented in his review of my book that the appearance in the anthology of three other poems by Moore suggested that “he might have corresponded with Hoffman or another agent of the publisher, in advance of publication,” and, sure enough, in the American Moore says that having been “applied to for some contribution to the work,” he “gave the publisher several pieces,” including “Visit from St. Nicholas.” Yet what he “gave” can hardly, as his wording might lead one to suppose, have been an autograph copy of “The Night Before Christmas,” if, as Norsworthy implies elsewhere, his Poems text corrected “misprints” in the 1823 Troy Sentinel printing, since Hoffman in 1837 printed, for example,
“Now, Dasher! now, Dancer! now, Prancer! now Vixen!
On! Comet, on! Cupid, on! Donder and Blixen—
whereas Moore’s allegedly authentic text italicized all the reindeer names, reads “Prancer and Vixen!”, and, most significantly, presents the second line as “On, Comet! on, Cupid! on, Donder and Blitzen!” Hoffman’s second line corresponds to the original Sentinel line, except for his creation of a perfect rhyme by giving the last reindeer the meaningless name “Blixen.” Hoffman also perpetuates the rare Sentinel spelling “jirk” and reads “As leaves before,” where in Poems (1844) Moore has “As dry leaves before.”

I confess to the misprints in my book that Norsworthy points out: “Bulmer” for “Bulwer” and “Halteraick” for “Hatteraick.” Mea culpa. This is a chance to correct a more serious one: in Table 14.1 (page 71), the last four entries under “Verse blocks by Livingston” (from 805 and 13.665 to 914 and 12.035) accidentally strayed there during the printing process from where they belong (and where they were placed in my original files) at the end of the two columns for Moore blocks. The means are correct once those entries are restored to the right positions.

At any rate, I am (sort of) grateful to Scott Norsworthy for his blog reaction to my book, and unreservedly grateful for his willingness to post my response. His remarks have been a valuable stimulus to the clarification of my argument and are a provocation to the undertaking of further research. In humanities scholarship, as in science, “you present your idea, you present your evidence, and we all take turns to try and pull them both apart,” as award-winning science-writer Ben Goldacre has said (in I Think You’ll Find It’s a Bit More Complicated Than That), adding: “This process of close critical appraisal” should be “actively welcomed” because “this is how we spiral in on the truth.” Encountering my book has prompted Nosworthy to unearth, as no other scholar had done, Moore’s letter to the New York American. His discovery, made well after I wrote my book, has strengthened the external evidence for Moore. Yet I still cannot reconcile the external evidence for Moore’s authorship of “The Night Before Christmas” with the internal evidence for Livingston’s. The Livingstonian position must be that cliché of the conclusion to scientific papers: “more research is needed.”

MacDonald P. Jackson

* * *

Some related posts on Melvilliana

  • Attributions of "A Visit from St. Nicholas" to deceased portrait artist Joseph Wood and the late Rev. John W. Curtis. Two posthumous claims, both of them wrong, issued during the lifetime of Clement C. Moore; examined in this 2026 post on Substack, here:
    https://melvilliana.substack.com/p/attributions-of-a-visit-from-st-nicholas