Saturday, September 24, 2016

Literary allusions by Gansevoort Melville, to Shakespeare and Sir Walter Scott

via Hollywood Spy
In his great speech at the 1844 Jackson-fest, Gansevoort Melville compared the premature celebration of Henry Clay's victory by overconfident Whigs to eating rotten apples, counting unhatched chickens, and trying to enjoy a non-existent dinner:
"This celebration of theirs is pretty much the same thing as if some poor, hungry, starving loafer should cuddle up in a warm corner, close his eyes, shut his mouth, and eat a glorious good dinner—in imagination"
Gansevoort's ridiculous image of the homeless wretch and his fantasy-banquet alludes to a pretty well-known passage from Shakespeare's Richard II, where the banished Henry Bolingbroke contrasts the experience of real physical pain to imaginary kinds of relief which only intensify one's suffering:
O, who can hold a fire in his hand
By thinking on the frosty Caucasus?
Or cloy the hungry edge of appetite
By bare imagination of a feast?

Or wallow naked in December snow
By thinking on fantastic summer's heat?
O, no! the apprehension of the good
Gives but the greater feeling to the worse:
Fell sorrow's tooth doth never rankle more
Than when he bites, but lanceth not the sore.  --Richard II - Act 1 Scene 3
Gansevoort's "hungry, starving loafer" comically personifies Shakespeare's "hungry edge of appetite"; and the "glorious good dinner" is Shakespeare's unreal "feast," both enjoyed only in "imagination."

While Herman Melville was sailing home, his older brother was perfecting and publishing a highly allusive brand of political speech-making. Gansevoort's speech at the Nashville rally on August 15, 1844, as excerpted in the Nashville Union, was criticized in the rival Nashville Tennessean Republican Banner (September 11, 1844) for comprising "a parcel of borrowed historical illustration." In particular the Republican Banner noted Gansevoort's plagiarism of Sir Walter Scott:
His object evidently was to show off his fine speaking. He glorified Van Buren (who was defeated at Baltimore after innumerable trials) as equal in heroism to James Earl of Douglas at the Battle of Otterbourne! His narration over which locofoco editors have gloated with so much admiration, is all taken with a very slight (and most injurious) alteration and with no acknowledgment, from Scott's preface to the fine old ballad of "the Battle of Otterbourne" in the "Scottish Minstrelsy." But he was most unfortunate in his allusion to this matter. In our edition of "The Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border," we find that the Douglas to whom he compared MR. VAN BUREN when he introduced the story,—and who raised the cry "A Dead Douglas shall win the field!"—was KILLED BY ONE OF HIS OWN MEN!
"There are that say he (Douglas) was not slain by the enemy, but by one of his own men, a GROOM OF HIS CHAMBER."
So states the historian Godscroft.
We should think there was something in this, that would have prevented our New York orator from dwelling on it with any particular complacency. We have not time to run the parallel out but was not Martin Van Buren killed by his own men? Was not "a groom of his chamber," one of his understrappers, the author of his political death? --Nashville Tennessean, September 11, 1844
Here the criticism specifically refers to the frequently reprinted Dying Douglass portion of Gansevoort Melville's Nashville speech. As alleged, Gansevoort had indeed paraphrased Godscroft via Scott in The Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border.

(As explained at the Walter Scott Educational Website, the 1802 version is the one in which "Earl Douglas is murdered by a resentful servant." Gansevoort was recalling the battlefield death described in the 1803 and later editions of the Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border.) Gansevoort was also quoting verbatim from Scott's narrative of "The Battle of Otterburn" in the first volume of Tales of a Grandfather.  Only the Tales of a Grandfather version has the exact words Gansevoort reportedly spoke about the "tradition in our family that a dead Douglas" should/shall "win a field."


On a somewhat more positive note, the Nashville Republican Banner did grudgingly acknowledge that in subsequent visits to Nashville Gansevoort had developed a better style of delivery:
"he has decidedly improved in his rhetorical displays, under the criticism of the Press, since he made his first appearance at the Democratic Convention Ground. It is true he still can only skim the surface of questions, but his manner and manners are greatly amended: He has abated much of his preposterous gesticulation and mincing lady's maid tones..."
--Nashville Republican Banner, mis-labeled "The Tennessean" at Newspapers.com
Edited then by Donald Macleod.
Found on Newspapers.com

Friday, September 23, 2016

David Samuels on Melville as all-American fraudster

Over time, the injury that Melville did to his own sense of truthfulness in pursuit of an audience exploded into a higher consciousness of fraud as the essence of literary art. --David Samuels - "A Fish Tale"
In case you missed it like I did, here's a link to the fine online essay "A Fish Tale" by David Samuels in the ultra-elegant Lapham's Quarterly, Spring 2015 issue:
Samuels gets the gist of things right, or close enough in my book. So he should, with Leon Howard's wonderful biography in front of him, and the first volume of Hershel Parker's biography which he credits, more or less. Herman Melville: A Biography has all the quoted reviews, not to mention a juicy treatment of Melville's veracity problem.

Weirdly though, David Samuels gives Melville's blast at "enormities perpetrated in the South Seas upon some inoffensive islanders" as something "Melville wrote to his brother, before he sat down to write Typee." Say what? That's in Chapter 4 amidst two pages of similarly slanted Reflections on Europeans' Cruelties that were cut in the American Revised Edition of Typee. What gave David Samuels the idea that he's quoting a letter from Herman Melville to his brother?


If David Samuels didn't make up the letter from Herman to his unnamed brother (Gansevoort? Allan? Tom?) just for the Swindle-edition of Lapaham's Quarterly, maybe he read it in a book. About Melville I guess, rather than by Melville. Hmm. Maybe he saw the quoted passage in a book of Melville criticism, couldn't find it in the American Revised Edition of Typee and inferred the phantom letter. Or, maybe the letter does exist and I'm the last to know. That's it, I hope.

Update 09/24/2016: Elizabeth Hardwick slightly misquotes the passage from Typee in the same way that David Samuels slightly misquotes it in "A Fish Tale," omitting two words, of the: "some inoffensive islanders" instead of "some of the inoffensive islanders" as printed in Typee. Not available on Kindle. Guess I'll have to buy back my copy of Elizabeth Hardwick's Herman Melville at Half-Price Books to see what else might be recycled in "A Fish Tale."

Thursday, September 22, 2016

J. Ross Browne, 1845 letter to Evert A. Duyckinck

"If you think the book would sell better by having a good deal of practical matter in it, I could enter more minutely into the habits and peculiarities of whales, the process of capturing them and procuring their oil &c; but in my opinion though this might be useful it would not be very interesting to the general reader. Scoresby, Wilkes, and other writers have left scarcely anything new to be said in relation to the practical part of the whaling business..." --J. Ross Browne, letter to Evert A. Duyckinck dated September 16, 1845.
Herman Melville reviewed Browne's whaling book as published by Harper & Brothers in 1846. The text of that review (originally published March 6, 1847 in The Literary World) is available online in another melvilliana post
Herman Melville's Review of Etchings of a Whaling Cruise
As advised, Browne did supplement his original narrative with "practical matter" taken from established authorities on whales and whaling. For Moby-Dick, Melville consulted the same books that Browne recycles in his appendix. R. D. Madison says "it's a toss-up whether Browne or The Penny Cyclopaedia was more useful" to Melville as "a shortcut to cetology" (The Essex and the Whale).

Newly digitized and available online From the New York Public Library, this 1845 letter reflects the active support that Browne was getting from Evert A. Duyckinck, then house literary editor for Wiley and Putnam. At Wiley and Putnam, Duyckinck superintended the new Library of American Books project. Ezra Greenspan explains:
By late February 1845 a deal between Duyckinck and Wiley was struck and terms set down, Duyckinck to serve as house literary editor with operating power to choose titles for the Library, to solicit contributions, and to help promote the new works via his pen and his numerous contacts in the press; and Wiley and Putnam to issue the works in attractive but inexpensive fashion both in new York and London. --"Evert Duyckinck and the History of Wiley and Putnam's Library of American Books, 1845-1847" in American Literature Vol. 64, No. 4 (Dec., 1992), pp. 677-693 at 682.
Perry Miller built a page or so from Browne's 1845 letter to Duyckinck:
"an ex-whaler submitted a manuscript, and though it was miserably written and required extensive editing, the material was of such intrinsic interest, and was so truly "American," that Duyckinck spent days working with J. Ross Browne over Etchings of a Whaling Cruise.  --The Raven and the Whale, page 137
Given that much editorial work by Duyckinck, Perry Miller figured Wiley and Putnam must have published Etchings. Edward L. Widmer repeated Miller's mistake in the fascinating book Young America: The Flowering of Democracy in New York City (page 115), placing Browne's Etchings in the Library of American Books.

Browne's experience with competing American publishers was the reverse of Melville's: passed over by Wiley and Putnam, Browne's book was actually published by Harper & Brothers in 1846--the year Wiley and Putnam got Typee, but only after the Harpers (famously, now) had rejected it in manuscript. Eugene Exman in The Brothers Harper (page 293) credits Browne's Etchings as "the Harper book which had influenced George Putnam to publish Typee." (Ah, but there Exman must be thinking of Dana's Two Years Before the Mast, as shown in the letter from Putnam to Duyckinck that Ezra Greenspan quotes in George Palmer Putnam: Representative American Publisher.)

In advising Browne, Duyckinck evidently had urged revisions of content and style. Browne defended instances of coarse language in his narrative as the real talk of sailors, truthfully presented. In the same vein, Melville's review anticipates and answers "fastidious objections" of hypothetical critics:
The scenes presented are always graphically and truthfully sketched, and hence fastidious objections may be made to some of them, on the score of their being too coarsely or harshly drawn. But we take it, that as true, unreserved descriptions, they are in no respect faulty; and, doubtless, the author never dreamed of softening down or withholding anything with a view of rendering his sketches the more attractive and pretty. The book is eminently a practical one, and written with the set purpose of accomplishing good by revealing the simple truth.  --Herman Melville, Review of Browne's Etchings of a Whaling Cruise
When Melville wrote that, "fastidious objections" had already been published. The London Spectator, for example, criticized Browne's "unpleasant" realism, and more:
Browne is not a man of genius, scarcely of ability, but a fair enough specimen of the fluent, obtrusive, self-confident, half-educated American, such as one continually encounters in their books of travels. The reflections are in a high-flown sentimental manner; the descriptions of the actual are lengthy and literal. Like some other of his countrymen, Mr. Browne falls into the habit of reporting conversations or dialogues at full length: a very good practice when the persons and topics are of importance, but scarcely needed in the case of whalers with their mere “chaffing,” or pointless jokes, or the quarrels of the captain with his mate and crew. The author is also deficient in art and delicacy. An artist catches and presents the spirit of the lowest scenes, but sinks their material of physical coarseness. Mr. Browne gives them literally as they are; so that he produces much the same unpleasant effect upon the mind as if the reader were actually present—bating the life. The slender interest the book possesses is entirely owing to its nautical subjects—the hardships and excitement of the service, and the characters of the crew, unpleasant as some of the latter are. --The Spectator, Volume 19 - November 28, 1846
From The New York Public Library Digital Collections:

J. Ross Browne, Letter to Evert A. Duyckinck - September 16, 1845
From The New York Public Library Digital Collections
J. Ross Browne, Letter to Evert A. Duyckinck - September 16, 1845
From The New York Public Library Digital Collections
J. Ross Browne, Letter to Evert A. Duyckinck - September 16, 1845
From The New York Public Library Digital Collections
J. Ross Browne, Letter to Evert A. Duyckinck - September 16, 1845
From The New York Public Library Digital Collections
Transcribed below:
Washington City, Sep. 16th 1845

Dear Sir:

I am under obligations to you for the friendly suggestions contained in your letter of the 13th. Fully appreciating the arduous nature of your engagements, I shall make my reply as brief as possible.

Upon reflection, I am convinced that I have been unwise in attempting to “write a book.” It is a task attended by difficulties sufficiently formidable to discourage a more experienced writer than myself. I do not think I am deficient in perseverance; but I fear perseverance in this matter would be a weakness. It is my perfect consciousness of the defects indicated in your letter that discourages me. Were I to obviate them a thousand others would spring up, as if to prove to me that I am entirely disqualified for the task. I regret, therefore, having imposed upon the good nature of my friends in putting them to so much trouble.

There is one consideration which influences me in continuing my efforts to have the journal published. An intimate and esteemed friend of mine, now in Paris, studying the art of painting, is in great distress for want of a small sum of money to enable him to prosecute his studies this approaching winter. He is a young man of uncommon talent and high moral character; and poor indeed, would be the friend, who for want of a little exertion, would see him suffer. $200 would be the means of enabling him to attain eminence in his profession. If I could send him that or even one half of it, I should consider myself fortunate, and to remove any doubt that might exist upon the subject, I am quite willing if I can get that much for the copy-right, to give you his address and ask you to oblige me by sending him the money. This is the only prospect I have of aiding him, for my salary is too small to do him any service. If you knew what a kind and good friend he is, and how great is his distress, I am sure you would second my efforts, if for no other reason than this.

I agree with you in regard to the necessity of re-writing some passages of the narrative, and making alterations in the dialogues. When writing them, I knew there was rather too much roughness and profanity in them to suit a refined taste; and my reason for not making them more polished was that I did not suppose such a work would be read by literary men, and sailors would like it all the better for familiar roughness. However, I am not skilled in these matters, and I submit to your better judgement—merely assuring you that if you think sailors are a refined class of men, or that I have at all exaggerated their profanity, you are much mistaken. That many portions are but indifferently executed, I admit; and profiting by your friendly suggestions I shall do all in my power to make them readable.

As to the number of pages of M.S. or the amount of practical information which I could give, I leave that to be determined by yourself or the publisher. One volume would probably sell better than two—especially two from an unknown writer. I have matter for a volume about the size of Hawthorne’s African Cruizer, which I think is a good size—say 300 or 330 pages of M. S. like this. A friend of mine, who is now draughtsman in the Patent Office, would willingly make a series of handsome illustrations from my rough sketches, which might add materially to the success of the volume. Of course these paintings would cost the publisher nothing. I could have twenty or thirty such sketches as the enclosed, by myself, well executed by my friend.

If you think the book would sell better by having a good deal of practical matter in it, I could enter more minutely into the habits and peculiarities of whales, the process of capturing them and procuring their oil &c; but in my opinion though this might be useful, it would not be very interesting to the general reader. Scoresby, Wilkes, and other writers have left scarcely anything new to be said in relation to the practical part of the whaling business. Graphic descriptions of forecastle life, scenes of cruelty and suffering, and now and then something in the way of observation, would, I think, be more likely to succeed. My opportunities of acquiring practical information were very limited—I had neither books nor intelligent companions to guide me, and the most I could think of making would be an interesting narrative of novel and exciting incidents. I was nearly four months on board a merchantman. An account of my voyage home would show the difference between the merchant service and the whale-fishery, and would perhaps derive interest from the contrast. I am very confident the public know little or nothing of the detestable cruelties practiced on board of our whalers; and to show these in their true colors is my main object. I could give a good deal of practical information in relation to the commerce, products &c of Zanzibar. This would be new, and no doubt interesting to many. Ellis has, in his history of Madagascar, so fully described that island that it would be useless to attempt a practical account of its trade or products. Boteler & Owens have more than I could say about the Comoro Isles. The Azores & Cape de Verdes are too well known to need description. A narrative of incidents would therefore be in the main all I could give.

So far as regards the profits, I would take almost anything.. I have stated to you my only object in desiring any remuneration for my labor. Any arrangement you may think proper to make will suit me.

I have materiel for a very wild and thrilling sea-story; and shall introduce something of that kind if you think it advisable.

In conclusion, I would thank you to call upon Messers Wiley & Putnam, and (if you approve of it) present to them the enclosed note. State the nature character of the work—your opinion of it, your desire to befriend the author; and if you can procure from them a definite and conclusive promise that they will publish it, as soon as I can revise and complete it, then wrap it up and send it to me at the earliest possible moment, and I shall set to work and get it in readiness for publication within a month. You will oblige me by doing this without delay. With many thanks for the trouble you have already taken in my behalf,

I remain
Yours Truly,

J. Ross Browne

Monday, September 19, 2016

"Melville's hearty praises" for John C. Hoadley's poem on "The Union" - reported by the poet to Evert A. Duyckinck in September 1851

Digitized and available online From The New York Public Library:

John C. Hoadley, Letter to Evert A. Duyckinck - September 9, 1851
Duyckinck family papers, Manuscripts and Archives Division, NYPL
From The New York Public Library Digital Collections

Transcribed below. Hoadley quotes from Richard II, Act 1 Scene 3.
Pittsfield, Sept. 9th. 1851.
E. A. Duyckinck Esq.

Dear Sir,

I received a copy of the Literary World a few days since, containing an interesting account of your excursion to Grey Lock, for which I suppose I have to thank your kindness. I read it with lively pleasure though not without a twinge of selfish regret that I could not be of your party.— "Can a man hold fire in his hand by thinking on the frosty Caucasus?”

The Harpers, to whom I had sent my national poem for publication, decline it, and advise me to send it to D. Appleton & Co. which I have accordingly requested the Messers H. to do.— I can not but desire to have it printed, but have not much hope of it. Melville’s hearty praises give me more hope than anything else.

I am, My Dear Sir,
Very Respectfully,
Yours &c.  John C. Hoadley.
Hoadley refers to the account by Evert A. Duyckinck in the Literary World for August 30, 1851 headed  "NOTES OF EXCURSIONS—NO. I / AN ASCENT OF MOUNT SADDLEBACK." The Greylock climb by Herman Melville with his Berkshire friends and visiting literati took place on August 11, 1851, during what Hershel Parker describes as "a second idyll in the Berkshires, fit to rank with that of the previous August" (Herman Melville: A Biography V1.855).  Sarah Morewood also wrote of That Excursion to Greylock in a chapter she contributed to J. E. A. Smith's 1852 volume Taghconic.

I don't remember seeing this letter before now, anywhere. Google it?
 No results found for "melville's hearty praises"
"Melville" in a letter from Pittsfield to Evert A. Duyckinck has to be Herman. So Hoadley regrets not participating in the ascent of Greylock (he was invited?), reports the rejection of his "national poem" by the Harpers, but takes consolation in the "hearty praises" of his future brother-in-law, Herman Melville.

This John C. Hoadley also turned out to be one of the best friends Herman Melville ever had. Noticing that Herman's sister Augusta Melville listed one of Hoadley's poems ("A Man Should Never Weep?") in her commonplace book on October 7, 1850, Hershel Parker was already wondering:
"Is it possible that Herman Melville was never favored with a recital of it by its author?" "--Melville: The Making of the Poet
Not hardly. That is (to eliminate the negatives), the conjectured recital by Hoadley in the hearing of Melville seems likely enough in view of Hoadley's September 9, 1851 letter to Evert A. Duyckinck, which nicely corroborates the view of an early bonding over Hoadley's poetry as well as Hoadley's courtship of Herman's sister. Herman Melville did hear Hoadley's poem on "The Union." Probably on the Fourth of July.

As recorded in Jay Leyda's Melville Log, Melville's future brother-in-law had recited his poem in Pittsfield on July 4, 1851:
For the holiday, John C. Hoadley pronounces a newly composed poem, "The Union" [later retitled "Destiny"]  --The Melville Log Volume 1 - [416]
Hershel Parker:
"On that occasion, momentous for the entire family, Hoadley met Catherine Melville...." --Herman Melville: A Biography V1.850
 John and Kate were married on September 15, 1853.

Related posts:

1856 Melville mention by "Fidelius" in the Boston Evening Transcript

“Hermann Melville, our clever nautical story teller, has gone abroad in search of health and new material for adventurous fiction.” --Boston Evening Transcript, October 21, 1856; New York correspondence from "Fidelius"
"Fidelius" wrote letters from New York to the Boston Evening Transcript in the mid 1850's, around the time that Melville's friend Henry T. Tuckerman was also supplying the Transcript with New York correspondence over a different pen name. Writing as "Knick," Tuckerman handled book reviews and literary news, while "Fidelius" wrote more generally about people and cultural events--in Gotham and around the world.

Saturday, September 17, 2016

Lighting it up

Ben Jonson's joke about burning a ballad to light a pipe:
"One who fired a Tobacco pipe with a ballet [ballad] the next day having a sore-head, swoare he had a great singing in his head, and he thought it was the ballet: A Poet should detest a Ballet maker."
--Notes of Ben Jonson's Conversations with William Drummond of Hawthornden
made me think of Melville's bit in Pierre about lighting cigars with sonnets:
Now, the dollars derived from his ditties, these Pierre had always invested in cigars; so that the puffs which indirectly brought him his dollars were again returned, but as perfumed puffs; perfumed with the sweet leaf of Havanna. So that this highly-celebrated and world-renowned Pierre—the great author—whose likeness the world had never seen (for had he not repeatedly refused the world his likeness?), this famous poet, and philosopher, author of "The Tropical Summer: a Sonnet;" against whose very life several desperadoes were darkly plotting (for had not the biographers sworn they would have it?); this towering celebrity—there he would sit smoking, and smoking, mild and self-festooned as a vapory mountain. It was very involuntarily and satisfactorily reciprocal. His cigars were lighted in two ways: lighted by the sale of his sonnets, and lighted by the printed sonnets themselves.  --Pierre; Or, The Ambiguities
William Drummond of Hawthornden does not appear in Melville's Reading or Melville's Sources or the Online Catalog of Melville's known reading. Only stray references to William Drummond in Melville scholarship, it seems. I would be glad to know of anything at all in print, especially on Melville and those notes of Ben Jonson's talking.

We do know Melville owned the 1692 folio edition of The Works of Ben Jonson which he bought in London, November 1849. Formerly in the collection of Albert Boni, this volume now is held by the New-York Historical Society, as indicated in Online Catalog at Melville's Marginalia Online.

Stanton Garner charts the influence of Jonson on the last of Melville's poems in the John Marr volume, in "Rosemarine: Melville's 'Pebbles' and Ben Jonson's Masque of Blackness," Melville Society Extracts 41 (February 1980): 13-14. Before Garner, Newton Arvin in the October 1949 Partisan Review had noted the same borrowing but thought it more of a happy accident, "an unconscious but felicitous echo" of Jonson.

Sunday, September 11, 2016

Digitized and available online from The New York Public Library: Herman Melville's 1860 memo with instructions (copied out by his wife Elizabeth) for publishing his completed book of Poems

A previous post gave the text of Melville's 1860 memo from published transcriptions by a distinguished line of Melville scholars including Meade Minnigerode, Eleanor Melville Metcalf in Cycle and Epicycle, and Jay Leyda in The Melville Log. In print, Hershel Parker has reviewed the scholarship on Melville's detailed instructions for publication of his 1860 "Poems" in Melville Biography: An Inside Narrative. Now we can read Melville's long memo of May 22, 1860 in the neat handwriting of his wife Elizabeth Shaw Melville, courtesy of The New York Public Library.

Herman Melville's 1860 "Memoranda for Allan" - 1 of 4; copied by Elizabeth Melville
From The New York Public Library
Herman Melville's 1860 "Memoranda for Allan" - 2 of 4; copied by Elizabeth Melville
From The New York Public Library
Herman Melville's 1860 "Memoranda for Allan" - 3 of 4; copied by Elizabeth Melville
From The New York Public Library
Herman Melville's 1860 "Memoranda for Allan" - 4 of 4; copied by Elizabeth Melville
From The New York Public Library
Melville's manuscript book of "Poems" was rejected by at least two different publishers, so Melville never got to enjoy "the publication of a first volume of verses" as he elaborately planned for it in 1860. But later versions of some verses are possibly to be found in Melville's 1891 volume Timoleon, Etc., especially in the section titled "Fruit of Travel Long Ago." In Melville: The Making of the Poet and the "Historical Note" for the Northwestern-Newberry edition of Melville's Published Poems, Hershel Parker suggests that earlier versions of Melville's surviving longer poems "Naples in the Time of Bomba" and "At the Hostelry" might also have graced the 1860 book of "Poems."